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CHAPTER XX: THE MÁZINDARÁN UPHEAVAL (Continued) |
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THE forces under the command of Prince Mihdí-Qulí
Mírzá meanwhile had recovered from the
state of utter demoralisation into which they had
sunk, and were now diligently preparing to renew
their attack upon the occupants of the fort of Tabarsí. The
latter found themselves again encompassed by a numerous
host, at the head of which marched Abbás-Qulí Khán-i-Laríjání
and Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshar-i-Shahríyárí, who, together
with several regiments of infantry and cavalry, had
hastened to reinforce the company of the prince’s soldiers.
1
Their combined forces encamped in the neighbourhood of the
fort,
2
and proceeded to erect a series of seven barricades
around it. With the utmost arrogance, they sought at first
to display the extent of the forces at their command, and
indulged with increasing zest in the daily exercise of their arms.
379
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The scarcity of water had, in the meantime, compelled
those who were besieged to dig a well within the enclosure
of the fort. On the day the work was to be completed, the
eighth day of the month of Rabí’u’l-Avval,
3
Mullá Husayn,
who was watching his companions perform this task, remarked:
“To-day we shall have all the water we require for
our bath. Cleansed of all earthly defilements, we shall seek
the court of the Almighty, and shall hasten to our eternal
abode. Whoso is willing to partake of the cup of martyrdom,
let him prepare himself and wait for the hour when he can
seal with his life-blood his faith in his Cause. This night,
ere the hour of dawn, let those who wish to join me be ready
to issue forth from behind these walls and, scattering once
again the dark forces which have beset our path, ascend
untrammelled to the heights of glory.”
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That same afternoon, Mullá Husayn performed his ablutions,
clothed himself in new garments, attired his head with
the Báb’s turban, and prepared for the approaching encounter.
An undefinable joy illumined his face. He serenely alluded to
the hour of his departure, and continued to his last moments
to animate the zeal of his companions. Alone with
Quddús, who so powerfully reminded him of his Beloved, he
poured forth, as he sat at his feet in the closing moments of
his earthly life, all that an enraptured soul could no longer
restrain. Soon after midnight, as soon as the morning-star
had risen, the star that heralded to him the dawning light
of eternal reunion with his Beloved, he started to his feet
and, mounting his charger, gave the signal that the gate of
the fort be opened. As he rode out at the head of three
hundred and thirteen of his companions to meet the enemy,
the cry of “Yá Sáhibu’z-Zamán!”
4
again broke forth, a cry
so intense and powerful that forest, fort, and camp vibrated
to its resounding echo.
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Mullá Husayn first charged the barricade which was defended
by Zakariyyay-i-Qádí-Kalá’í, one of the enemy’s most
valiant officers. Within a short space of time, he had broken
380
through that barrier, disposed
of its commander, and scattered
his men. Dashing forward
with the same swiftness
and intrepidity, he overcame
the resistance of both the second
and third barricades, diffusing,
as he advanced, despair
and consternation among his
foes. Undeterred by the bullets
which rained continually
upon him and his companions,
they pressed forward until
the remaining barricades had
all been captured and overthrown.
In the midst of the
tumult which ensued, Abbás-Qulí
Khán-i-Laríjání had
climbed a tree, and, hiding
himself in its branches, lay
waiting in ambush for his
opponents. Protected by the
darkness which surrounded
him, he was able to follow
from his hiding place the
movements of Mullá Husayn and his companions, who were
exposed to the fierce glare of the conflagration which they had
raised. The steed of Mullá Husayn suddenly became entangled
in the rope of an adjoining tent, and ere he was able
to extricate himself, he was struck in the breast by a bullet
from his treacherous assailant. Though the shot was successful,
Abbás-Qulí Khán was unaware of the identity of the
horseman he had wounded. Mullá Husayn, who was bleeding
profusely, dismounted from his horse, staggered a few
steps, and, unable to proceed further, fell exhausted upon the
ground. Two of his young companions, of Khurásán, Qulí,
and Hasan, came to his rescue and bore him to the fort.
5
381
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I have heard the following account from Mullá Sádiq and
Mullá Mírzá Muhammad-i-Furúghí: “We were among those
who had remained in the fort with Quddús. As soon as
Mullá Husayn, who seemed to have lost consciousness, was
brought in, we were ordered to retire. ‘Leave me alone with
him,’ were the words of Quddús as he bade Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir
close the door and refuse admittance to anyone desiring
to see him. ‘There are certain confidential matters which
I desire him alone to know.’ We were amazed a few moments
later when we heard the voice of Mullá Husayn replying to
questions from Quddús. For two hours they continued to
converse with each other. We were surprised to see Mírzá
Muhammad-Báqir so greatly agitated. ‘I was watching
Quddús,’ he subsequently informed us, ‘through a fissure
in the door. As soon as he called his name, I saw Mullá Husayn
arise and seat himself, in his customary manner, on bended
knees beside him. With bowed head and downcast eyes, he
listened to every word that fell from the lips of Quddús,
and answered his questions. “You have hastened the hour
of your departure,” I was able to hear Quddús remark, “and
have abandoned me to the mercy of my foes. Please God, I
will ere long join you and taste the sweetness of heaven’s
ineffable delights.” I was able to gather the following words
uttered by Mullá Husayn: “May my life be a ransom for
you. Are you well pleased with me?”’
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“A long time elapsed before Quddús bade Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir
open the door and admit his companions.
‘I have bade my last farewell to him,’ he said, as we entered
the room. ‘Things which previously I deemed it unallowable
to utter I have now shared with him.’ We found on our
arrival that Mullá Husayn had expired. A faint smile still
lingered upon his face. Such was the peacefulness of his
countenance that he seemed to have fallen asleep. Quddús
attended to his burial, clothed him in his own shirt, and
gave instructions to lay him to rest to the south of, and adjoining,
the shrine of Shaykh Tabarsí.
6
‘Well is it with you
to have remained to your last hour faithful to the Covenant
382
of God,’ he said, as he laid a parting kiss upon his eyes and
forehead. ‘I pray God to grant that no division ever be
caused between you and me.’ He spoke with such poignancy
that the seven companions who were standing beside him
wept profusely, and wished they had been sacrificed in his
stead. Quddús, with his own hands, laid the body in the
tomb, and cautioned those who were standing near him to
maintain secrecy regarding the spot which served as his
resting place, and to conceal it even from their companions.
He afterwards instructed them to inter the bodies of the
thirty-six martyrs who had fallen in the course of that engagement
in one and the same grave on the northern side
of the shrine of Shaykh Tabarsí. ‘Let the loved ones of
God,’ he was heard to remark as he consigned them to their
tomb, ‘take heed of the example of these martyrs of our
Faith. Let them in life be and remain as united as these
are now in death.’”
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No less than ninety of the companions were wounded that
night, most of whom succumbed. From the day of their
arrival at Barfurúsh to the day they were first attacked,
which fell on the twelfth of Dhi’l-Qádih in the year 1264 A.H.,
7
to the day of the death of Mullá Husayn, which took place
at the hour of dawn on the ninth of Rabí’u’l-Avval in the
year 1265 A.H.,
8
the number of martyrs, according to the
computation of Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir, had reached a
total of seventy-two.
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From the time when Mullá Husayn was assailed by his
enemies to the time of his martyrdom was a hundred and
sixteen days, a period rendered memorable by deeds so heroic
that even his bitterest foes felt bound to confess their wonder.
On four distinct occasions, he rose to such heights of courage
and power as few indeed could attain. The first encounter
took place on the twelfth of Dhi’l-Qádih,
9
in the outskirts
of Barfurúsh; the second, in the immediate neighbourhood
of the fort of Shaykh Tabarsí, on the fifth day of the month
of Muharram,
10
against the forces of ‘Abdu’lláh Khán-i-Turkamán;
the third, in Vas-Kas, on the twenty-fifth day of
Muharram,
11
directed against the army of Prince
383
Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá. The last and most memorable battle of
all was directed against the combined forces of Abbás-Qulí
Khán, of Prince Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, and of Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshar,
assisted by a company of forty-five officers of tried
ability and matured experience. From each of these hot and
fierce engagements Mullá Husayn emerged, in spite of the
overwhelming forces arrayed against him, unscathed and
triumphant. In each encounter he distinguished himself by
such acts of valour, of chivalry, of skill, and of strength that
each one would alone suffice to establish for all time the
transcendent character of a Faith for the protection of which
he had so valiantly fought, and in the path of which he had
so nobly died. The traits of mind and of character which,
from his very youth, he displayed, the profundity of his
learning, the tenacity of his faith, his intrepid courage, his
singleness of purpose, his high sense of justice and unswerving
devotion, marked him as an outstanding figure among
those who, by their lives, have borne witness to the glory
and power of the new Revelation. He was six and thirty
years old when he quaffed the cup of martyrdom. At the
age of eighteen he made the acquaintance, in Karbilá, of
Siyyid Kázim-i-Rashtí. For nine years he sat at his feet,
and imbibed the lesson which was destined to prepare him
for the acceptance of the Message of the Báb. The nine
remaining years of his life were spent in the midst of a restless,
a feverish activity which carried him eventually to the
field of martyrdom, in circumstances that have shed imperishable
lustre upon his country’s history.
12
384
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So complete and humiliating a rout paralysed for a time
the efforts of the enemy. Five and forty days passed before
they could again reassemble their forces and renew their
attack. During these intervening days, which ended with
the day of Naw-Rúz, the intense cold which prevailed induced
them to defer their venture against an opponent that
had covered them with so much reproach and shame. Though
their attacks had been suspended, the officers in charge of the
remnants of the imperial army had given strict orders prohibiting
the arrival of all manner of reinforcements at the
fort. When the supply of their provisions was nearly exhausted,
Quddús instructed Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir to distribute
among his companions the rice which Mullá Husayn
had stored for such time as might be required. When each
had received his portion, Quddús summoned them and said:
“Whoever feels himself strong enough to withstand the
calamities that are soon to befall us, let him remain with
us in this fort. And whoever perceives in himself the least
hesitation and fear, let him betake himself away from this
place. Let him leave immediately ere the enemy has again
assembled his forces and assailed us. The way will soon be
barred before our face; we shall very soon encounter the
severest hardship and fall a victim to devastating afflictions.”
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The very night Quddús had given this warning, a siyyid
from Qum, Mírzá Husayn-i-Mutavallí, was moved to betray
his companions. “Why is it,” he wrote to Abbás-Qulí
Khán-i-Laríjání, “that you have left unfinished the work
385
which you have begun? You have already disposed of a
formidable opponent. By the removal of Mullá Husayn,
who was the moving force behind these walls, you have demolished
the pillar on which the strength and security of
the fort depend. Had you been patient for one more day,
you would have assuredly won for yourself the laurels of
victory. With no more than a hundred men, I pledge my
word that within the space of two days you will be able to
capture the fort and secure the unconditional surrender of
its occupants. They are worn with famine and are being
grievously tested.” The sealed letter was entrusted to a
certain Siyyid ‘Alíy-i-Zargar, who, as he carried with him
the share of the rice he had received from Quddús, stole
out of the fort at the hour of midnight and delivered it to
Abbás-Qulí Khán, with whom he was already acquainted.
The message reached him at a time when he had sought
refuge in a village situated at a distance of four farsangs
13
from the fort, and knew not whether he should return to
the capital and present himself after such a humiliating
defeat to his sovereign, or repair to his home in Laríján,
where he was sure to face the reproaches of his relations
and friends.
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He had just risen from his bed when, at the hour of sunrise,
the siyyid brought him the letter. The news of the
death of Mullá Husayn nerved him to a fresh resolve. Fearing
386
lest the messenger should spread the report concerning
the death of so redoubtable an opponent, he instantly killed
him, and then contrived by some strange device to divert
from himself the suspicion of murder. Resolved to take the
fullest advantage of the distress of the besieged and of the
depletion of their forces, he undertook immediately the necessary
preparations for the resumption of his attacks. Ten
days before Naw-Rúz, he had encamped at half a farsang
from the fort, and had ascertained the accuracy of the message
that treacherous siyyid had brought him. In the hope
of obtaining for himself every possible credit for the eventual
surrender of his opponents, he refused to divulge, to even
his closest officers, the information he had received.
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The day had just broken when he hoisted his standard
14
and, marching at the head of two regiments of infantry and
cavalry, encompassed the fort and ordered his men to open
fire upon the sentinels who were guarding the turrets.
“The betrayer,” Quddús informed Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir, who
had hastened to acquaint him with the gravity of the situation,
“has announced the death of Mullá Husayn to Abbás-Qulí
Khán. Emboldened by his removal, he is now determined
to storm our stronghold and to secure for himself the
honour of being its sole conqueror. Sally out and, with the
aid of eighteen men marching at your side, administer a
befitting chastisement upon the aggressor and his host. Let
him realise that though Mullá Husayn be no more, God’s
387
invincible power still continues to sustain his companions
and enable them to triumph over the forces of their enemies.”
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No sooner had Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir selected his companions
than he ordered that the gate of the fort be flung
open. Leaping upon their chargers and raising the cry of
“Yá Sáhibu’z-Zamán!” they plunged headlong into the camp
of the enemy. The whole army fled in confusion before so
terrific a charge. All but a few were able to escape. They
reached Barfurúsh utterly demoralised and laden with shame.
Abbás-Qulí Khán was so shaken with fear that he fell from
his horse. Leaving, in his distress, one of his boots hanging
from the stirrup, he ran away, half shod and bewildered, in
the direction which the army had taken. Filled with despair,
he hastened to the prince and confessed the ignominious
reverse he had sustained.
15
Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir, on his
part, emerging together with his eighteen companions unscathed
from that encounter, and holding in his hand the
388
standard which an affrighted enemy had abandoned, repaired
with exultation to the fort and submitted to his chief, who
had inspired him with such courage, this evidence of his
victory.
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So complete a rout immediately brought relief to the
hard-pressed companions. It cemented their unity and reminded
them afresh of the efficacy of that power with which
their Faith had endowed them. Their food, alas, was by
this time reduced to the flesh of horses, which they had
brought away with them from the deserted camp of the
enemy. With steadfast fortitude they endured the afflictions
which beset them from every side. Their hearts were set
on the wishes of Quddús; all else mattered but little. Neither
the severity of their distress nor the continual threats of the
enemy could cause them to deviate a hairbreadth from the
path which their departed companions had so heroically
trodden. A few were found who subsequently faltered in
the darkest hour of adversity. The faint-heartedness which
this negligible element was compelled to betray paled, however,
into insignificance before the radiance which the mass
of their stouthearted companions shed in the hour of realised
doom.
389
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Prince Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, who was stationed in Sarí,
welcomed with keen delight the news of the defeat that had
overtaken the forces under the immediate command of his
colleague Abbás-Qulí Khán. Though himself desirous of
extirpating the band that had sought shelter behind the
walls of the fort, he rejoiced at the knowledge that his rival
had failed to secure the victory which he coveted.
16
He wrote
immediately to Tihrán and demanded that reinforcements in
the form of bomb-shells and camel-artillery, with all the
necessary equipments, be despatched without delay to the
neighbourhood of the fort, he being determined, this time,
to effect the complete subjugation of its obstinate occupants.
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Whilst their enemies were preparing for yet another and
still fiercer attack upon their stronghold, the companions of
Quddús, utterly indifferent to the gnawing distress that
afflicted them, acclaimed with joy and gratitude the approach
of Naw-Rúz. In the course of that festival, they
gave free vent to their feelings of thanksgiving and praise
in return for the manifold blessings which the Almighty had
bestowed upon them. Though oppressed with hunger, they
indulged in songs and merriment, utterly disdaining the
danger with which they were beset. The fort resounded
with the ascriptions of glory and praise which, both in the
daytime and in the night-season, ascended from the hearts
of that joyous band. The verse, “Holy, holy, the Lord our
God, the Lord of the angels and the spirit,” issued unceasingly
from their lips, heightened their enthusiasm, and reanimated
their courage.
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All that remained of the cattle they had brought with
them to the fort was a cow which Hájí Nasiru’d-Dín-i-Qazvíní
had set aside, and the milk of which he made into
a pudding every day for the table of Quddús. Unwilling to
390
deny his hunger-stricken friends their share of the delicacy
which his devoted companion prepared for him, Quddús
would, after partaking of a few teaspoonfuls of that dish,
invariably distribute the rest among them. “I have ceased
to enjoy,” he was often heard to remark, “since the departure
of Mullá Husayn, the meat and drink which they prepare
for me. My heart bleeds at the sight of my famished companions,
worn and wasted around me.” Despite these adverse
circumstances, he unfailingly continued further to elucidate
in his commentary the significance of the Sád of Samad, and
to exhort his friends to persevere till the vary end in their
heroic endeavours. At morn and at eventide, Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir
would chant, in the presence of the assembled
believers, verses from that commentary, the reading of which
would quicken their enthusiasm and brighten their hopes.
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I have heard Mullá Mírzá Muhammad-i-Furúghí testify
to the following: “God knows that we had ceased to hunger
for food. Our thoughts were no longer concerned with
matters pertaining to our daily bread. We were so enraptured
by the entrancing melody of those verses that, were we to
have continued for years in that state, no trace of weariness
and fatigue could possibly have dimmed our enthusiasm or
marred our gladness. And whenever the lack of nourishment
would tend to sap our vitality and weaken our strength,
Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir would hasten to Quddús and acquaint
him with our plight. A glimpse of his face, the magic
of his words, as he walked amongst us, would transmute our
despondency into golden joy. We were reinforced with a
strength of such intensity that, had the hosts of our enemies
appeared suddenly before us, we felt ourselves capable of
subjugating their forces.”
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On the day of Naw-Rúz, which fell on the twenty-fourth
of Rabí’u’th-Thání in the year 1265 A.H.,
17
Quddús alluded,
in a written message to his companions, to the approach of
such trials as would bring in their wake the martyrdom of
a considerable number of his friends. A few days later,
an innumerable host,
18
commanded by Prince Mihdí-Qulí
391
Mírzá
19
and seconded by the joint forces of Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshar,
of Abbás-Qulí Khán-i-Laríjání, and of Ja’far-Qulí Khán,
assisted by about forty other officers, encamped in the
neighbourhood of the fort, and set about constructing a series
of trenches and barricades in its immediate vicinity.
20
On the
ninth day of the month of Bahá,
21
the commanding officer
gave orders to those in charge of his artillery to open fire in
the direction of the besieged. While the bombardment was
in progress, Quddús emerged from his room and walked to
the centre of the fort. His face was wreathed in smiles, and
his demeanour breathed forth the utmost tranquillity. As
he was pacing the floor, a cannon-ball fell suddenly before
him. “How utterly unaware,” he calmly remarked, as he
rolled it with his foot, “are these boastful aggressors of the
power of God’s avenging wrath! Have they forgotten that
a creature as insignificant as the gnat was capable of extinguishing
392
the life of the all-powerful Nimrod? Have they not
heard that the roaring of the tempest was sufficient to destroy
the people of ‘Ád and Thámúd and to annihilate their forces?
Seek they to intimidate the heroes of God, in whose sight
the pomp of royalty is but an empty shadow, with such
contemptible evidences of their cruelty?” “You are,” he
added, as he turned to his friends, “those same companions
of whom Muhammad, the Apostle of God, has thus spoken:
‘Oh, how I long to behold the countenance of my brethren;
my brethren who will appear in the end of the world! Blessed
are we, blessed are they; greater is their blessedness than
ours.’ Beware lest you allow the encroachments of self and
desire to impair so glorious a station. Fear not the threats
of the wicked, neither be dismayed by the clamour of the
ungodly. Each one of you has his appointed hour, and
when that time is come, neither the assaults of your enemy
nor the endeavours of your friends will be able either to
retard or to advance that hour. If the powers of the earth
league themselves against you, they will be powerless, ere
that hour strikes, to lessen by one jot or tittle the span of
your life. Should you allow your hearts to be agitated for
but one moment by the booming of these guns which, with
increasing violence, will continue to shower their shot upon
this fort, you will have cast yourselves out of the stronghold
of Divine protection.”
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So powerful an appeal could not fail to breathe confidence
into the hearts of those who heard it. A few, however, whose
countenances betrayed vacillation and fear, were seen huddled
together in a sheltered corner of the fort, viewing with
envy and surprise the zeal that animated their companions.
22
393
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The army of Prince Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá continued for a
few days to fire in the direction of the fort. His men were
surprised to find that the booming of their guns had failed
to silence the voice of prayer and the acclamations of joy
which the besieged raised in answer to their threats. Instead
of the unconditional surrender which they expected, the call
of the muadhdhín,
23
the chanting of the verses of the Qur’án,
and the chorus of gladsome voices intoning hymns of thanksgiving
and praise reached their ears without ceasing.
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Exasperated by these evidences of unquenchable fervour
and impelled by a burning desire to extinguish the enthusiasm
which swelled within the breasts of his opponents, Ja’far-qulí
Khán erected a tower, upon which he stationed his
cannon,
24
and from that eminence directed his fire into the
heart of the fort. Quddús immediately summoned Mírzá
Muhammad-Báqir and instructed him to sally again and
inflict upon the “boastful newcomer” a humiliation no less
crushing than the one which Abbás-Qulí Khán had suffered.
394
“Let him know,” he added, “that God’s lion-hearted warriors,
when pressed and driven by hunger, are able to manifest
deeds of such heroism as no ordinary mortals can show.
Let him know that the greater their hunger, the more devastating
shall be the effects of their exasperation.”
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Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir again ordered eighteen of his
companions to hurry to their steeds and follow him. The gates
of the fort were thrown open, and the cry of “Yá Sáhibu’z-Zamán!”—fiercer and more thrilling than ever—diffused
panic and consternation in the ranks of the enemy. Ja’far-Qulí
Khán, with thirty of his men, fell before the sword of
their adversary, who rushed to the tower, captured the guns,
and hurled them to the ground. Thence they threw themselves
upon the barricade which had been erected, demolished
a number of them, and would, but for the approaching darkness,
have captured and destroyed the rest.
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Triumphant and unhurt, they repaired to the fort, carrying
back with them a number of the stoutest and best-fed
stallions which had been left behind. A few days elapsed
during which there was no sign of a counter-attack.
25
A
sudden explosion in one of the ammunition stores of the
enemy, which had caused the death of several artillery officers
and a number of their fellow-combatants, forced them for
one whole month to suspend their attacks upon the garrison.
26
This lull enabled a number of the companions to emerge
occasionally from their stronghold and gather such grass as
they could find in the field as the only means wherewith to
395
allay their hunger. The flesh of horses, even the leather of
their saddles, had been consumed by these hard-pressed
companions. They boiled the grass and devoured it with
piteous avidity.
27
As their strength declined, as they languished
exhausted within the walls of their fort, Quddús
multiplied his visits to them, and endeavoured by his words
of cheer and of hope to lighten the load of their agony.
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The month of Jamádiyu’th-Thání
28
had just begun when
the artillery of the enemy was heard again discharging its
showers of balls upon the fort. Simultaneously with the
booming of the cannons, a detachment of the army, headed
by a number of officers and consisting of several regiments of
infantry and cavalry, rushed to storm it. The sound of their
approach impelled Quddús to summon promptly his valiant
lieutenant, Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir, and to bid him emerge
with thirty-six of his companions and repulse their attack.
396
“Never since our occupation of this fort,” he added, “have
we under any circumstances attempted to direct any offensive
against our opponents. Not until they unchained their
attack upon us did we arise to defend our lives. Had we
cherished the ambition of waging holy war against them,
had we harboured the least intention of achieving ascendancy
through the power of our arms over the unbelievers, we should
not, until this day, have remained besieged within these
walls. The force of our arms would have by now, as was the
case with the companions of Muhammad in days past, convulsed
the nations of the earth and prepared them for the
acceptance of our Message. Such is not the way, however,
which we have chosen to tread. Ever since we repaired to
this fort, our sole, our unalterable purpose has been the
vindication, by our deeds and by our readiness to shed our
blood in the path of our Faith, of the exalted character of
our mission. The hour is fast approaching when we shall be
able to consummate this task.”
|
|
Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir once more leaped on horseback
and, with the thirty-six companions whom he had selected,
confronted and scattered the forces which had beset him.
He carried with him, as he re-entered the gate, the banner
which an alarmed enemy had abandoned as soon as the reverberating
cry of “Yá Sáhibu’z-Zamán!” had been raised.
Five of his companions suffered martyrdom in the course
of that engagement, all of whom he bore to the fort and interred
in one tomb close to the resting place of their fallen
brethren.
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Prince Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, astounded by this further evidence
of the inexhaustible vitality of his opponents, took
counsel with the chiefs of his staff, urging them to devise such
means as would enable him to bring that costly enterprise
to a speedy end. For three days he deliberated with them,
and finally came to the conclusion that the most advisable
course to take would be to suspend all manner of hostilities
for a few days in the hope that the besieged, exhausted with
hunger and goaded by despair, would decide to emerge from
their retreat and submit to an unconditional surrender.
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As the prince was waiting for the consummation of the
plan he had conceived, there arrived from Tihrán a messenger
397
bearing to him the farmán
29
of his sovereign. This man was
a resident of the village of Kand, a place not far from the
capital. He succeeded in obtaining leave from the prince to
enter the fort and attempt to induce two of its occupants,
Mullá Mihdí and his brother Mullá Báqir-i-Kandí, to escape
from the imminent danger to which their lives were exposed.
As he approached its walls, he called the sentinels and asked
them to inform Mullá Mihdiy-Kandí that an acquaintance
of his desired to see him. Mullá Mihdí reported the matter
to Quddús, who permitted him to meet his friend.
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|
I have heard Áqáy-i-Kalím give the following account, as
related to him by that same messenger whom he met in
Tihrán: “‘I saw,’ the messenger informed me, ‘Mullá Mihdí
appear above the wall of the fort, his countenance revealing
an expression of stern resolve that baffled description. He
looked as fierce as a lion, his sword was girded on over a long
white shirt after the manner of the Arabs, and he had a white
kerchief around his head. “What is it that you seek?” he
impatiently enquired. “Say it quickly, for I fear that my
master will summon me and find me absent.” The determination
that glowed in his eyes confused me. I was
dumbfounded at his looks and manner. The thought suddenly
flashed through my mind that I would awaken a dormant
sentiment in his heart. I reminded him of his infant
child, Rahmán, whom he had left behind in the village, in
his eagerness to enlist under the standard of Mullá Husayn.
In his great affection for the child, he had specially composed
a poem which he chanted as he rocked his cradle and lulled
him to sleep. “Your beloved Rahmán,” I said, “longs for
the affection which you once lavished upon him. He is
alone and forsaken, and yearns to see you.” “Tell him from
me,” was the father’s instant reply, “that the love of the
true Rahmán,
30
a love that transcends all earthly affections,
has so filled my heart that it has left no place for any other
it love besides His.” The poignancy with which he uttered
these words brought tears to my eyes. “Accursed,” I indignantly
exclaimed, “be those who consider you and your
fellow-disciples as having strayed from the path of God!”
398
“What,” I asked him, “if I venture to enter the fort and join
you?” “If your motive be to seek and find the Truth,”
he calmly replied, “I will gladly show you the way. And if
you seek to visit me as an old and lifelong friend, I will accord
you the welcome of which the Prophet of God has spoken:
‘Welcome your guests though they be of the infidels.’ I will,
faithful to that injunction, offer you the boiled grass and the
churned bones which serve as my meat, the best I can procure
for you. But if your intention be to harm me, I warn you
that I will defend myself and will hurl you from the heights
of these walls to the ground.” His unswerving obstinacy
convinced me of the futility of my efforts. I could feel that
he was fired with such enthusiasm that, were the divines of
the realm to assemble and endeavour to dissuade him from
the course he had chosen to pursue, he would, alone and
unaided, baffle their efforts. Neither, was I convinced, could
all the potentates of the earth succeed in luring him away
from the Beloved of his heart’s desire. “May the cup,”
I was moved to say, “which your lips have tasted, bring you
all the blessings you seek.” “The prince,” I added, “has
vowed that whoever steps out of this fort will be secure from
danger, that he will even receive a safe passage from him,
as well as whatever expenses he may require for the journey
to his home.” He promised to convey the prince’s message
to his fellow-companions. “Is there anything further you
wish to tell me?” he added. “I am impatient to join my
master.” “May God,” I replied, “assist you in accomplishing
your purpose.” “He has indeed assisted me!” he burst forth
in exultation. “How else could I have been delivered from
the darkness of my prison-home in Kand? How could I
have reached this exalted stronghold?” No sooner had he
uttered these words than, turning his face away from me, he
vanished from my sight.’”
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As soon as he had joined his companions, Mullá Mihdí
conveyed the prince’s message to them. On the afternoon
of that same day, Siyyid Mírzá Husayn-i-Mutavallí, accompanied
by his servant, left the fort and went directly to
join the prince in his camp. The next day, Rasul-i-Bahnimírí
and a few other of his companions, unable to resist the
ravages of famine, and encouraged by the explicit assurances
399
or the prince, sadly and reluctantly separated themselves
from their friends. No sooner had they stepped out of the
fort than they were all instantly slain at the order of Abbás-Qulí
Khán-i-Laríjání.
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|
During the few days that elapsed after that incident, the
enemy, still encamped in the neighbourhood of the fort,
refrained from any act of hostility towards Quddús and his
companions. On Wednesday morning, the sixteenth of
Jamádiyu’th-Thání,
31
an emissary of the prince arrived at
the fort and requested that two representatives be delegated
by the besieged to conduct confidential negotiations with
them in the hope of arriving at a peaceful settlement of the
issues outstanding between them.
32
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Accordingly, Quddús instructed Mullá Yúsúf-i-Ardibílí
and Siyyid Ridáy-i-Khurásání to act as his representatives,
and bade them inform the prince of his readiness to accede
to his wish. Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá courteously received them,
and invited them to partake of the tea which he had prepared.
“We should,” they said, as they declined his offer, “feel it
to be an act of disloyalty on our part were we to partake of
either meat or drink whilst our beloved leader languishes
worn and famished in the fort.” “The hostilities between
us,” the prince remarked, “have been unduly prolonged.
We, on both sides, have fought long and suffered grievously.
It is my fervent wish to achieve an amicable settlement of
our differences.” He took hold of a copy of the Qur’án that
lay beside him, and wrote, with his own hand, in confirmation
of his statement, the following words on the margin of the
opening Súrih: “I swear by this most holy Book, by the
righteousness of God who has revealed it, and the Mission
of Him who was inspired with its verses, that I cherish no
other purpose than to promote peace and friendliness between
us. Come forth from your stronghold and rest assured that
no hand will be stretched forth against you. You yourself
400
and your companions, I solemnly declare, are under the
sheltering protection of the Almighty, of Muhammad,
His Prophet, and of Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, our sovereign. I pledge
my honour that no man, either in this army or in this neighbourhood,
will ever attempt to assail you. The malediction
of God, the omnipotent Avenger, rest upon me if in my
heart I cherish any other desire than that which I have
stated.
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|
He affixed his seal to his statement and, delivering the
Qur’án into the hands of Mullá Yúsúf, asked him to convey
his greetings to his leader and to present him this formal and
written assurance. “I will,” he added, “in pursuance of my
declaration, despatch to the gate of the fort, this very afternoon,
a number of horses, which I trust he and his leading
companions will accept and mount, in order to ride to the
neighbourhood of this camp, where a special tent will have
been pitched for their reception. I would request them to
be our guests until such time as I shall be able to arrange for
their return, at my expense, to their homes.”
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|
Quddús received the Qur’án from the hand of his messenger,
kissed it reverently, and said: “O our Lord, decide
between us and between our people with truth; for the best
to decide art Thou.”
33
Immediately after, he bade the rest
of his companions prepare themselves to leave the fort.
“By our response to their invitation,” he told them, “we shall
enable them to demonstrate the sincerity of their intentions.”
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As the hour of their departure approached, Quddús attired
his head with the green turban which the Báb had sent to him
at the time He sent the one that Mullá Husayn wore on the
day of his martyrdom. At the gate of the fort, they mounted
the horses which had been placed at their disposal, Quddús
mounting the favourite steed of the prince which the latter
had sent for his use. His chief companions, among whom
were a number of siyyids and learned divines, rode behind
him, and were followed by the rest, who marched on foot,
carrying with them all that was left of their arms and belongings.
As the company, who were two hundred and two
in number, reached the tent which the prince had ordered
to be pitched for Quddús in the vicinity of the public bath
401
of the village of Dizva, overlooking the camp of the enemy,
they alighted and proceeded to occupy their lodgings in the
neighbourhood of that tent.
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|
Soon after their arrival, Quddús emerged from his tent
and, gathering together his companions, addressed them in
these words: “You should show forth exemplary renunciation,
for such behaviour on your part will exalt our Cause and
redound to its glory. Anything short of complete detachment
will but serve to tarnish the purity of its name and to obscure
its splendour. Pray the Almighty to grant that even to your
last hour He may graciously assist you to contribute your
share to the exaltation of His Faith.”
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|
A few hours after sunset, they were served with dinner
brought from the camp of the prince. The food that was
offered them in separate trays, each of which was assigned
to a group of thirty companions, was poor and scanty. “Nine
of us,” those who were with Quddús subsequently related,
“were summoned by our leader to partake of the dinner which
had been served in his tent. As he refused to taste it, we too,
following his example, refrained from eating. The attendants
who waited upon us were delighted to partake of the dishes
which we had refused to touch, and devoured their contents
with appreciation and avidity.” A few of the companions
402
who were dining outside the tent were heard remonstrating
with the attendants, pleading that they were willing to buy
from them, at however exorbitant a price, the bread which
they needed. Quddús strongly disapproved of their conduct
and rebuked them for the request they had made. But for
the intercession of Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir, he would have
severely punished them for having so completely disregarded
his earnest exhortations.
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|
At daybreak a messenger arrived, summoning Mírzá
Muhammad-Báqir to the presence of the prince. With the
consent of Quddús, he responded to that invitation, and returned
an hour later, informing his chief that the prince
had, in the presence of Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshar, reiterated
the assurances he had given, and had treated him with great
consideration and kindness. “‘My oath,’ he assured me,”
Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir explained, “‘is irrevocable and
sacred.’ He cited the case of Ja’far-Qulí Khán, who, notwithstanding
his shameless massacre of thousands of soldiers
of the imperial army, in the course of the insurrection fomented
by the Salar, was pardoned by his sovereign and promptly
invested with fresh honours by Muhammad Sháh. To-morrow
the prince intends to accompany you in the morning to the
public bath, from whence he will proceed to your tent, after
which he will provide the horses required to convey the entire
company to Sang-Sar, from where they will disperse, some
returning to their homes in ‘Iráq, and others proceeding to
Khurásán. At the request of Sulaymán Khán, who urged
that the presence of such a large gathering at such a fortified
centre as Sang-Sar would be fraught with risk, the prince
decided that the party should disperse, instead, at Fírúz-Kúh.
I am of opinion that what his tongue professes, his heart
does not believe at all.” Quddús, who shared his view, bade
his companions disperse that very night, and stated that
he himself would soon proceed to Barfurúsh. They hastened
to implore him not to separate himself from them, and begged
to be allowed to continue to enjoy the blessings of his companionship.
He counselled them to be calm and patient,
and assured them that, whatever afflictions the future might
yet reveal, they would meet again. “Weep not,” were his
parting words; “the reunion which will follow this separation
403
will be such as shall eternally endure. We have committed
our Cause to the care of God; whatever be His will and pleasure,
the same we joyously accept.”
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|
The prince failed to redeem his promise. Instead of joining
Quddús in his tent, he called him, with several of his
companions, to his headquarters, and informed him, as
soon as they reached the tent of the Farrásh-Báshí,
34
that he
himself would summon him at noon to his presence. Shortly
after, a number of the prince’s attendants went and told the
rest of the companions that Quddús permitted them to join
him at the army’s headquarters. Several of them were deceived
by this report, were made captives, and were eventually
sold as slaves. These unfortunate victims constitute
the remnant of the companions of the fort of Shaykh Tabarsí,
who survived that heroic struggle and were spared to transmit
to their countrymen the woeful tale of their sufferings and
trials.
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|
Soon after, the prince’s attendants brought pressure to
bear upon Mullá Yúsúf to inform the remainder of his companions
of the desire of Quddús that they immediately disarm.
“What is it that you will tell them exactly?” they
asked him, as he was being conducted to a place at some
distance from the army’s headquarters. “I will,” was the
bold reply, “warn them that whatever be henceforth the
nature of the message you choose to deliver to them on behalf
of their leader, that message is naught but downright
falsehood.” These words had hardly escaped his lips when
he was mercilessly put to death.
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|
From this savage act they turned their attention to the
fort, plundered it of its contents, and proceeded to bombard
and demolish it completely.
35
They then immediately encompassed
the remaining companions and opened fire upon
them. Any who escaped the bullets were killed by the
swords of the officers and the spears of their men.
36
In the
404
very throes of death, these unconquerable heroes were still
heard to utter the words, “Holy, holy, O Lord our God, Lord
of the angels and the spirit,” words which in moments of
exultation had fallen from their lips, and which they now
repeated with undiminished fervour at this crowning hour
of their lives.
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As soon as these atrocities hath been perpetrated, the prince
ordered those who had been retained as captives to be ushered,
one after another, into his presence. Those among them
who were men of recognised standing, such as the father of
Badí,
37
Mullá Mírzá Muhammad-i-Furúghí, and Hájí Násiri’d-Qazvíní,
38
he charged his attendants to conduct to Tihrán and
obtain in return for their deliverance a ransom from each
one of them in direct proportion to their capacity and wealth.
As to the rest, he gave orders to his executioners that they
be immediately put to death. A few were cut to pieces with
the sword,
39
others were torn asunder, a number were bound
to trees and riddled with bullets, and still others were blown
405
from the mouths of cannons and consigned to the flames.
40
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This terrible butchery had hardly been concluded when
three of the companions of Quddús, who were residents of Sang-Sar,
were ushered into the presence of the prince. One of them
was Siyyid Ahmad, whose father, Mír Muhammad-‘Alí, a
devoted admirer of Shaykh Ahmad-i-Ahsá’í, had been a man
of great learning and distinguished merit. He, accompanied
by this same Siyyid Ahmad and his brother, Mír Abu’l-Qásim,
who met his death the very night on which Mullá
Husayn was slain, had departed for Karbilá in the year preceding
the declaration of the Báb, with the intention of introducing
his two sons to Siyyid Kázim. Ere his arrival,
the siyyid had departed this life. He immediately determined
to leave for Najaf. While in that city, the Prophet Muhammad
one night appeared to him in a dream, bidding the
Imám ‘Alí, the Commander of the Faithful, announce to
him that after his death both his sons, Siyyid Ahmad and
Mír Abu’l-Qásim, would attain the presence of the promised
Qá’im and would each suffer martyrdom in His path. As
soon as he awoke, he called for his son Siyyid Ahmad and
acquainted him with his will and last wishes. On the seventh
day after that dream he died.
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In Sang-Sar two other persons, Karbilá’í ‘Alí and Karbilá’í
Abú-Muhammad, both known for their piety and spiritual
insight, strove to prepare the people for the acceptance of
406
the promised Revelation, the advent of which they felt was
fast approaching. In the year 1264 A.H.
41
they publicly announced
that in that very year a man named Siyyid ‘Alí
would, preceded by a Black Standard and accompanied by
a number of his chosen companions, set forth from Khurásán
and proceed to Mázindarán. They urged every loyal adherent
of Islám to arise and lend him every possible assistance.
“The standard which he will hoist,” they declared, “will be
none other than the standard of the promised Qá’im; he
who will unfurl it, none other than His lieutenant and chief
promoter of His Cause. Whoso follows him will be saved,
and he who turns away will be among the fallen.” Karbilá’í
Abú-Muhammad urged his two sons, Abu’l-Qásim and Muhammad-‘Alí,
to arise for the triumph of the new Revelation
and to sacrifice every material consideration for the attainment
of that end. Both Karbilá’í Abú-Muhammad and
Karbilá’í ‘Alí died in the spring of that same year.
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These two sons of Karbilá’í Abú-Muhammad were the
two companions who had been ushered, together with Siyyid
Ahmad, into the presence of the prince. Mullá
Zaynu’l-‘Abidin-i-Sháhmírzádí, one of the trusted and learned counsellors
of the government, acquainted the prince with their
story and related the experiences and activities of their
respective fathers. “For what reason,” Siyyid Ahmad was
asked, “have you chosen to tread a path that has involved
you and your kinsmen in such circumstances of wretchedness
and disgrace? Could you not have been satisfied with the
vast number of erudite and illustrious divines who are to be
found in this land and in ‘Iráq?” “My faith in this Cause,”
he fearlessly retorted, “is born not of idle imitation. I have
dispassionately enquired into its precepts, and am convinced
of its truth. When in Najaf, I ventured to request the preeminent
mujtahid of that city, Shaykh Muhammad-Hasan-i-Najafí,
to expound for me certain truths connected with the
secondary principles underlying the teachings of Islám. He
refused to accede to my request. I reiterated my appeal,
whereupon he angrily rebuked me and persisted in his refusal.
How can I, in the light of such experience, be expected
to seek enlightenment on the abstruse articles of the Faith
407
of Islám from a divine, however illustrious, who refuses to
answer my question on such simple and ordinary matters
and who expresses his indignation at my having put such
questions to him?” “What is your belief concerning Hájí
Muhammad-‘Alí?” asked the prince. “We believe,” he
replied, “Mullá Husayn to have been the bearer of the standard
of which Muhammad has spoken: ‘Should your eyes behold
the Black Standards proceeding from Khurásán, hasten
ye towards them, even though ye should have to crawl over
the snow.’ For this reason we have renounced the world and
have flocked to his standard, a standard which is but a symbol
of our Faith. If you wish to bestow upon me a favour, bid
your executioner put an end to me and enable me to be
gathered to the company of my immortal companions. For
the world and all its charms have ceased to allure me. I
long to depart this life and return to my God.” The prince,
who was reluctant to take the life of a siyyid, refused to order
his execution. His two companions, however, were immediately
put to death. He, with his brother Siyyid Abú-Talíb,
was delivered into the hands of Mullá Zaynu’l-Ábidín, who
was instructed to conduct them to Sang-Sar.
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Meanwhile Mírzá Muhammad-Taqí, accompanied by
seven of the ‘ulamás of Sarí, set out from that town to share
in the meritorious act of inflicting the punishment of death
upon the companions of Quddús. When they found that
they had already been put to death, Mírzá Muhammad-Taqí
urged the prince to reconsider his decision and to order
the immediate execution of Siyyid Ahmad, pleading that his
arrival at Sarí would be the signal for fresh disturbances as
grave as those which had already afflicted them. The prince
eventually yielded, on the express condition that he be regarded
as his guest until his own arrival at Sarí, at which time
he would take whatever measures were required to prevent
him from disturbing the peace of the neighbourhood.
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No sooner had Mírzá Muhammad-Taqí taken the direction
of Sarí than he proceeded to vilify Siyyid Ahmad and
his father. “Why ill-treat a guest,” his captive pleaded,
“whom the prince has committed to your charge? Why
ignore the Prophet’s injunction, ‘Honour thy guest though
he be an infidel’?” Roused to a burst of fury, Mírzá Muhammad-Taqí,
408
together with his seven companions, drew
their swords and cut his body to pieces. With his last breath
Siyyid Ahmad was heard invoking the aid of the Sáhibu’z-Zamán.
As to his brother Siyyid Abú-Talíb, he was safely
conducted to Sang-Sar by Mullá Zaynu’l-Ábidín, and to
this day resides with his brother Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá
in Mázindarán. Both are engaged in the service of the
Cause and are accounted among its active supporters.
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As soon as his work was completed, the prince, accompanied
by Quddús, returned to Barfurúsh. They arrived on
Friday afternoon, the eighteenth of Jamádiyu’th-Thání.
42
The Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’, together with all the ‘ulamás of the
town, came out to welcome the prince and to extend their
congratulations on his triumphal return. The whole town
was beflagged to celebrate the victory, and the bonfires which
blazed at night witnessed to the joy with which a grateful
population greeted the return of the prince. Three days of
festivities elapsed during which he gave no indication as to
his intention regarding the fate of Quddús. He vacillated
in his policy, and was extremely reluctant to ill-treat his
captive. He at first refused to allow the people to gratify
their feelings of unrelenting hatred, and was able to restrain
their fury. He had originally intended to conduct him to
Tihrán and, by delivering him into the hands of his sovereign,
to relieve himself of the responsibility which weighed upon
him.
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The Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’’s unquenchable hostility, however,
interfered with the execution of this plan. The hatred with
which Quddús and his Cause inspired him blazed into furious
rage as he witnessed the increasing evidences of the prince’s
inclination to allow so formidable an opponent to slip from
his grasp. Day and night he remonstrated with him and,
with every cunning that his resourceful brain could devise,
sought to dissuade him from pursuing a policy which he
thought to be at once disastrous and cowardly. In the fury
of his despair, he appealed to the mob and sought, by inflaming
their passions, to awaken the basest sentiments of
revenge in their hearts. The whole of Barfurúsh had been
aroused by the persistency of his call. His diabolical skill
409
soon won him the sympathy and support of the masses. “I
have vowed,” he imperiously protested, “to deny myself
both food and sleep until such time as I am able to end the
life of Hájí Muhammad-‘Alí with my own hands!” The
threats of an agitated multitude reinforced his plea and succeeded
in arousing the apprehensions of the prince. Fearing
that his own life might be endangered, he summoned to his
presence the leading ‘ulamás of Barfurúsh for the purpose of
consulting as to the measures that should be taken to allay
the tumult of popular excitement. All those who had been
invited responded with the exception of Mullá Muhammad-i-Hamzih,
who pleaded to be excused from attending that
meeting. He had previously, on several occasions, endeavoured,
during the siege of the fort, to persuade the people to
refrain from violence. To him Quddús, a few days before
his abandonment of the fort, had committed, through one
of his trusted companions of Mázindarán, a locked saddlebag
containing the text of his own interpretation of the Sád of
Samad as well as all his other writings and papers that he
had in his possession, the fate of which remains unknown
until the present day.
|
|
No sooner had the ‘ulamás assembled than the prince
gave orders for Quddús to be brought into their presence.
Since the day of his abandoning the fort, Quddús, who had
been delivered into the custody of the Farrásh-Báshí, had
not been summoned to his presence. As soon as he arrived,
the prince arose and invited him to be seated by his side.
Turning to the Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’, he urged that his conversations
with him be dispassionately and conscientiously conducted.
“Your discussions,” he asserted, “must revolve
around, and be based upon, the verses of the Qur’án and the
traditions of Muhammad, by which means alone you can
demonstrate the truth or falsity of your contentions.” “For
what reason,” the Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’ impertinently enquired,
“have you, by choosing to place a green turban upon your
head, arrogated to yourself a right which only he who is a
true descendant of the Prophet can claim? Do you not know
that whoso defies this sacred tradition is accursed of God?”
“Was Siyyid Murtadá,” Quddús calmly replied, “whom all
the recognised ‘ulamás praise and esteem, a descendant of
410
the Prophet through his father or his mother?” One of those
present at that gathering instantly declared the mother alone
to have been a siyyid. “Why, then, object to me,” retorted
Quddús, “since my mother was always recognised by the
inhabitants of this town as a lineal descendant of the Imám
Hasan? Was she not, because of her descent, honoured, nay
venerated, by every one of you?”
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|
No one dared to contradict him. The Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’
burst forth into a fit of indignation and despair. Angrily
he flung his turban to the ground and arose to leave the
meeting. “This man,” he thundered, ere he departed, “has
succeeded in proving to you that he is a descendent of the
Imám Hasan. He will, ere long, justify his claim to be
the mouthpiece of God and the revealer of His will!” The prince
was moved to make this declaration: “I wash my hands of
all responsibility for any harm that may befall this man.
You are free to do what you like with him. You will yourselves
be answerable to God on the Day of Judgment.” Immediately
after he had spoken these words, he called for his
horse and, accompanied by his attendants, departed for
Sarí. Intimidated by the imprecations of the ‘ulamás and
forgetful of his oath, he abjectly surrendered Quddús to the
hands of an unrelenting foe, those ravening wolves who
panted for the moment when they could pounce, with uncontrolled
violence, upon their prey, and let loose on him the
fiercest passions of revenge and hate.
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No sooner had the prince freed them from the restraints
which he had exercised than the ‘ulamás and the people of
Barfurúsh, acting under orders from the Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’,
43
arose to perpetrate upon the body of their victim acts of such
atrocious cruelty as no pen can describe. By the testimony
of Bahá’u’lláh, that heroic youth, who was still on the threshold
of his life, was subjected to such tortures and suffered
411
such a death as even Jesus had not faced in the hour of His
greatest agony. The absence of any restraint on the part
of the government authorities, the ingenious barbarity which
the torture-mongers of Barfurúsh so ably displayed, the fierce
fanaticism which glowed in the breasts of its shí’ah inhabitants,
the moral support accorded to them by the dignitaries of
Church and State in the capital—above all, the acts of
heroism which their victim and his companions had accomplished
and which had served to heighten their exasperation,
all combined to nerve the hand of the assailants and to add
to the diabolical ferocity which characterised his martyrdom.
|
|
Such were its circumstances that the Báb, who was then
confined in the castle of Chihríq, was unable for a period of
six months either to write or to dictate. The deep grief which
he felt had stilled the voice of revelation and silenced His
pen. How deeply He mourned His loss! What cries of
anguish He must have uttered as the tale of the siege, the
untold sufferings, the shameless betrayal, and the wholesale
massacre of the companions of Shaykh Tabarsí reached His
ears and was unfolded before His eyes! What pangs of
sorrow He must have felt when He learned of the shameful
treatment which His beloved Quddús had undergone in his
hour of martyrdom at the hands of the people of Barfurúsh;
how he was stripped of his clothes; how the turban which
He had bestowed upon him had been befouled; how, barefooted,
bareheaded, and loaded with chains, he was paraded
through the streets, followed and scorned by the entire
population of the town; how he was execrated and spat upon
by the howling mob; how he was assailed with the knives and
axes of the scum of its female inhabitants; how his body was
pierced and mutilated, and how eventually it was delivered
to the flames!
|
|
Amidst his torments, Quddús was heard whispering forgiveness
to his foes. “Forgive, O my God,” he cried, “the
trespasses of this people. Deal with them in Thy mercy, for
they know not what we already have discovered and cherish.
I have striven to show them the path that leads to their salvation;
behold how they have risen to overwhelm and kill
me! Show them, O God, the way of Truth, and turn their
ignorance into faith.” In his hour of agony, the Siyyid-i-Qumí,
412
who had so treacherously deserted the fort, was seen
passing by his side. Observing his helplessness, he smote
him in the face. “You claimed,” he cried in haughty scorn,
“that your voice was the voice of God. If you speak the
truth, burst your bonds asunder and free yourself from the
hands of your enemies.” Quddús looked steadfastly into his
413
face, sighed deeply, and said: “May God requite you for
your deed, inasmuch as you have helped to add to the measure
of my afflictions.” Approaching the Sabzih-Maydán, he
raised his voice and said: “Would that my mother were with
me, and could see with her own eyes the splendour of my
nuptials!” He had scarcely spoken these words when the
enraged multitude fell upon him and, tearing his body to
pieces, threw the scattered members into the fire which they
had kindled far that purpose. In the middle of the night,
what still remained of the fragments of that burned and
mutilated body was gathered by the hand of a devoted friend
44
and interred in a place not far distant from the scene of his
martyrdom.
45
|
|
It would be appropriate at this juncture to place on record
the names of those martyrs who participated in the defence
of the fort of Shaykh Tabarsí, in the hope that generations
yet to come may recall with pride and gratitude the names,
no less than the deeds, of those pioneers who, by their life
and death, have so greatly enriched the annals of God’s
immortal Faith. Such names as I have been able to collect
from various sources, and for which I am particularly indebted
414
to Ismu’lláhu’l-Mím, Ismu’lláhu’l-Javád, and Ismu’lláhu’l-Asad,
I now proceed to enumerate, trusting that even as
in the world beyond their souls have been invested with the
light of unfading glory, their names may likewise linger for
ever on the tongues of men; that their mention may continue
to evoke a like spirit of enthusiasm and devotion in the
hearts of those to whom this priceless heritage has been
transmitted. From my informants I not only have been
able to gather the names of most of those who fell in the
course of that memorable siege, but have also succeeded in
obtaining a representative, though incomplete, list of all
those martyrs who, from the year ’60
46
until the present day,
the latter part of the month of Rabí’u’l-Avval in the year
1306 A.H.,
47
have laid down their lives in the path of the
Cause of God. It is my intention to make mention of each
of these names in connection with the particular event with
which it is chiefly connected. As to those who quaffed the
cup of martyrdom while defending the fort of Tabarsí, their
names are as follows:
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|
1. First and foremost among them stands Quddús, upon
whom the Báb bestowed the name of Ismu’lláhu’l-Akhar.
48
He, the Last Letter of the Living and the Báb’s chosen companion
415
on His pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, was, together
with Mullá Sádiq and Mullá ‘Alí-Akbar-i-Ardistání, the first
to suffer persecution on Persian soil for the sake of the Cause
of God. He was only eighteen years of age when he left his
native town of Barfurúsh for Karbilá. For about four years
he sat at the feet of Siyyid Kázim, and at the age of twenty-two
met and recognised his Beloved in Shíráz. Five years
later, on the twenty-third day of Jamádiyu’th-Thání in the
year 1265 A.H.,
49
he was destined to fall, in the Sabzih-Maydán
of Barfurúsh, a victim of the most refined and wanton barbarity
at the hands of the enemy. The Báb and, at a later
time, Bahá’u’lláh have mourned in unnumbered Tablets and
prayers his loss, and have lavished on him their eulogies.
Such was the honour accorded to him by Bahá’u’lláh that in
His commentary on the verse of Kullu’t-Tá’am,
50
which He
revealed while in Baghdád, He conferred upon him the unrivalled
station of the Nuqtiy-i-Ukhrá,
51
a station second to
none except that of the Báb Himself.
52
|
|
2. Mullá Husayn, surnamed the Bábu’l-Báb, the first to
recognise and embrace the new Revelation. At the age of
eighteen, he, too, departed from his native town of Bushrúyih
in Khurásán for Karbilá, and for a period of nine years
416
remained closely associated with Siyyid Kázim. Four years
prior to the Declaration of the Báb, acting according to the
instructions of Siyyid Kázim, he met in Isfahán the learned
mujtahid Siyyid Báqir-i-Rashtí and in Mashhad Mírzá
‘Askarí, to both of whom he delivered with dignity and
eloquence the messages with which he had been entrusted
by his leader. The circumstances attending his martyrdom
evoked the Báb’s inexpressible sorrow, a sorrow that found
vent in eulogies and prayers of such great number as would
be equivalent to thrice the volume of the Qur’án. In one of
His visiting Tablets, the Báb asserts that the very dust of
the ground where the remains of Mullá Husayn lie buried is
endowed with such potency as to bring joy to the disconsolate
and healing to the sick. In the Kitáb-i-Íqán, Bahá’u’lláh
extols with still greater force the virtues of Mullá Husayn.
“But for him,” He writes, “God would not have been established
upon the seat of His mercy, nor have ascended the
throne of eternal glory!”
53
|
|
4. Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir, the nephew of Mullá Husayn.
He, as well as Mírzá Muhammad-Hasan, accompanied Mullá
Husayn from Bushrúyih to Karbilá and from thence to
Shíráz, where they embraced the Message of the Báb and were
enrolled among the Letters of the Living. With the exception
of the journey of Mullá Husayn to the castle of Máh-Kú,
they continued to be with him until the time they suffered
martyrdom in the fort of Tabarsí.
|
|
6. The son of Mullá Ahmad, the elder brother of Mullá
Mírzá Muhammad-i-Furúghí. He, unlike his uncle, Mullá
Mírzá Muhammad, suffered martyrdom and was, as testified
by the latter, a youth of great piety and distinguished for
his learning and his integrity of character.
417
|
|
7. Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir, known as Haratí, though
originally a resident of Qayin. He was a close relative of the
father of Nabíl-i-Akbar, and was the first in Mashhad to
embrace the Cause. It was he who built the Bábíyyih, and
who devotedly served Quddús during his sojourn in that
city. When Mullá Husayn hoisted the Black Standard, he,
together with his child, Mírzá Muhammad-Kázim, eagerly
enrolled under his banner and went forth with him to Mázindarán.
That child was saved eventually, and has now grown
up into a fervent and active supporter of the Faith in Mashhad.
It was Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir who acted as the standard-bearer
of the company, who designed the plan of the
fort, its walls and turrets and the moat which surrounded it,
who succeeded Mullá Husayn in organising the forces of his
companions and in leading the charge against the enemy, and
who acted as the intimate companion, the lieutenant and
trusted counsellor of Quddús until the hour when he fell a
martyr in the path of the Cause.
|
|
8. Mírzá Muhammad-Taqíy-i-Juvayní, a native of Sabzihvar,
who was distinguished for his literary accomplishments
and was often entrusted by Mullá Husayn with the
task of leading the charge against the assailants. His head
and that of his fellow-companion, Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir,
were impaled on spears and paraded through the streets of
Barfurúsh, amid the shouts and howling of an excited populace.
|
|
11. Qulí, who, together with a man named Iskandar, a
native of Zanján, bore the body of Mullá Husayn to the fort
on the night of his martyrdom and placed it at the feet of
Quddús. He it was, the same Hasan, who, by the orders of
the chief constable of Mashhad, was led by a halter through
the streets of that city.
|
|
12. Muhammad-Hasan, the brother of Mullá Sádiq, whom
the comrades of Khusraw slew on the way between Barfurúsh
and the fort of Tabarsí. He distinguished himself
418
by his unwavering constancy, and had been one of the servants
of the shrine of the Imám Ridá.
|
|
13. Siyyid Ridá, who, with Mullá Yúsúf-i-Ardibílí, was
commissioned by Quddús to meet the prince, and who brought
back with him the sealed copy of the Qur’án bearing the
oath which the prince had written. He was one of the well-known
siyyids of Khurásán, and was recognised for his learning
as well as for the integrity of his character.
|
|
14. Mullá Mardán-‘Alí, one of the noted companions from
Khurásán, a resident of the village of Miyamay, the site of
a well-fortified fortress situated between Sabzihvar and
Sháh-Rud. He, together with thirty-three companions, enlisted
under the banner of Mullá Husayn on the day of the
latter’s passage through that village. It was in the masjid
of Miyamay, to which Mullá Husayn had repaired in order
to offer the Friday congregational prayer, that he delivered
his soul-stirring appeal in which he laid stress upon the fulfilment
of the tradition relating to the hoisting of the Black
Standard in Khurásán, and in which he declared himself to
be its bearer. His eloquent address profoundly impressed
his hearers, so much so that on that very day the majority
of those who heard him, most of whom were men of distinguished
merit, arose and followed him. Only one of those
thirty-three companions, a Mullá ‘Ísá, survived, whose sons
are at present in the village of Miyamay, actively engaged
in the service of the Cause. The names of the martyred
companions of that village are as follows:
|
|
27. Mullá Báqir,
419
|
|
54. ‘Alí-Ahmad,
420
|
|
89. ‘Alí-Qulí,
421
|
|
115. Mullá Ahmad-i-Saffar,
422
|
|
132. Mahmúd-i-Muqari’í, a noted cloth dealer. He was
newly married and had attained the presence of the Báb in the
castle of Chihríq. The Báb urged him to proceed to the
Jazíriy-i-Khadrá and to lend his assistance to Quddús. While
in Tihrán, he received a letter from his brother announcing
the birth of a son and entreating him to hasten to Isfahán
to see him, and then to proceed to whichever place he felt
inclined. “I am too much fired,” he replied, “with the love
of this Cause to be able to devote any attention to my son.
I am impatient to join Quddús and to enlist under his banner.”
|
|
Of the adherents of the Faith in Yazd, only four have thus
far been recorded:
423
|
|
149. Mullá Yúsúf-i-Ardibílí, one of the Letters of the
Living, noted for his learning, his enthusiasm and eloquence.
It was he who had aroused the apprehensions of Hájí Karím
Khán on his arrival at Kirmán, and who struck terror to the
hearts of his adversaries. “This man,” Hájí Karím Khán
was heard to say to his congregation, “must needs be expelled
from this town, for if he be allowed to remain, he will assuredly
424
cause the same tumult in Kirmán as he has already
done in Shíráz. The injury he will inflict will be irreparable.
The magic of his eloquence and the force of his personality,
if they do not already excel those of Mullá Husayn, are
certainly not inferior to them.” By this means he was able
to force him to curtail his stay in Kirmán and to prevent him
from addressing the people from the pulpit. The Báb gave
him the following instructions: “You must visit the towns and
cities of Persia and summon their inhabitants to the Cause
of God. On the first day of the month of Muharram in the
year 1265 A.H.,
54
you must be in Mázindarán and must arise
to lend every assistance in your power to Quddús.” Mullá
Yúsúf, faithful to the instructions of his Master, refused to
prolong his stay beyond a week in any of the towns and cities
which he visited. On his arrival in Mázindarán, he was made
captive by the forces of Prince Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, who immediately
recognised him and gave orders that he be imprisoned.
He was eventually released, as we have already
observed, by the companions of Mullá Husayn on the day
of the battle of Vas-Kas.
|
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157. Karbilá’í ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí,
425
|
|
169 and 170. Mullá Ridáy-i-Sháh and a young man from
Bahnimir were slain two days after the abandonment of the
fort by Quddús, in the Panj-Shanbih-Bazar of Barfurúsh.
Hájí Mullá Muhammad-i-Hamzih, surnamed the Sharí’at-Madar,
succeeded in burying their bodies in the neighbourhood
of the Masjid-i-Kázim-Big, and in inducing their murderer
to repent and ask forgiveness.
|
|
171. Mullá Muhammad-i-Mu’allim-i-Núrí, an intimate
companion of Bahá’u’lláh who was closely associated with
Him in Núr, in Tihrán, and in Mázindarán. He was famed
for his intelligence and learning, and was subjected, Quddús
only excepted, to the severest atrocities that have ever befallen
a defender of the fort of Tabarsí. The prince had promised
that he would release him on condition that he would
execrate the name of Quddús, and had pledged his word that,
should he be willing to recant, he would take him back with
him to Tihrán and make him the tutor of his sons. “Never
will I consent,” he replied, “to vilify the beloved of God at
the bidding of a man such as you. Were you to confer upon
me the whole of the kingdom of Persia, I would not for one
moment turn my face from my beloved leader. My body is
at your mercy, my soul you are powerless to subdue. Torture
me as you will, that I may be enabled to demonstrate to you
the truth of the verse, ‘Then, wish for death, if ye be men of
426
truth.’”
55
The prince, infuriated by his answer, gave orders
that his body be cut to pieces and that no effort be spared
to inflict upon him a most humiliating punishment.
|
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172. Hájí Muhammad-i-Karrádí, whose home was situated
in one of the palm groves adjoining the old city of Baghdád,
a man of great courage who had fought and led a hundred
men in the war against Ibráhím Páshá of Egypt. He had
been a fervent disciple of Siyyid Kázim, and was the author
of a long poem in which he expatiated upon the virtues and
merits of the siyyid. He was seventy-five years old when he
embraced the Faith of the Báb, whom he likewise eulogised
in an eloquent and detailed poem. He distinguished himself
by his heroic acts during the siege of the fort, and eventually
became a victim of the bullets of the enemy.
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|
The circumstances of the martyrdom of these last two
companions were related by Siyyid Abú-Tálib-i-Sang-Sarí,
one of those who survived that memorable siege, in a communication
he addressed to Bahá’u’lláh. In it he relates, in
addition, his own story, as well as that of his two brothers,
Siyyid Ahmad and Mír Abu’l-Qásim, both of whom were
martyred while defending the fort. “On the day on which
Khusraw was slain,” he wrote, “I happened to be the guest
of a certain Karbilá’í ‘Alí-Ján, the kad-khudá
56
of one of the
villages in the neighbourhood of the fort. He had gone to
assist in the protection of Khusraw, and had returned and
was relating to me the circumstances attending his death.
On that very day, a messenger informed me that two Arabs
had arrived at that village and were anxious to join the
occupants of the fort. They expressed their fear of the
people of the village of Qádí-Kalá, and promised that they
would amply reward whoever would be willing to conduct
them to their destination. I recalled the counsels of my
father, Mír Muhammad-‘Alí, who exhorted me to arise and
427
help in the promotion of the Cause of the Báb. I immediately
decided to seize the opportunity that had presented
itself to me, and, together with these two Arabs, and with the
aid and assistance of the Kad-khudá, reached the fort, met
Mullá Husayn, and determined to consecrate the remaining
days of my life to the service of the Cause he had chosen to
follow.”
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1. Prince Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, brother of the late Muhammad
Sháh,
428
|
|
13. The Sartip of the Fawj-i-Kálbát,
429
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|
As to those believers who participated in that memorable
siege and survived its tragic end, I have been thus far unable
to ascertain in full either their names or their number. I
have contented myself with a representative, though incomplete,
list of the names of its martyrs, trusting that in the days
to come the valiant promoters of the Faith will arise to fill
this gap, and will, by their research and industry, be able to
remedy the imperfections of this altogether inadequate
description of what must ever remain as one of the most
moving episodes of modern times.
430
|
| 1. |
“Thus perplexed and not knowing which way to turn, Sháhzádih, poor man, gave orders to gather together new soldiers and raise another army. The population was not eager to serve under a chief whose worth and intrepidity had not brilliantly stood the test. Nevertheless, by the help of money and through promises, the Mullás particularly, who did not lose sight of their interests, and who had the most at stake, displayed such zeal that in the end a fair number of tufang-chis were assembled. As for the mounted soldiers of the various tribes, from the moment their chiefs mount their horses, they do likewise without even asking why. “Abbás-Qulí Khán-i-Laríjání obeyed without hesitation the order to send new recruits. This time however, either through distrust of a Prince whose ineptitude might endanger the lives of his relatives and subjects, or because ambitious to distinguish himself, he no longer gave anyone the command of his forces. He led them himself by a daring move and, instead of rejoining the royal army, he went straight on to attack the Bábís in their refuge. Then he gave notice to the Prince that he had arrived at the fortress of Shaykh Tabarsí and that he was besieging it. Besides, he notified him that he had no need of assistance nor of support, that his forces were more than adequate and that, if his royal highness would see for himself how he, Abbás-Qulí Khán-i-Laríjání was about to treat the rebels, he would be both honored and gratified.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” pp. 170–171.)
[ |
| 2. |
“Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá could not pass for a bold warrior, as we have just seen, but he substituted for an excessive intrepidity another quality very useful to a general, he did not take literally the boastings of his lieutenants. Therefore, fearing that ill might befall this impudent nomad, he sent him reinforcements immediately. Thus departed in great haste Muhsin Khán-i-Ashrafí with his cavalry, a troop of Afgháns, Muhammad-Karím Khán-i-Ashrafí with some of the tufang-chis of the town, and Khalíl Khán of Savád-Kúh with the men of Qádí-Kalá.” (Ibid., p. 171.)
[ Back To Reference] |
| 3. |
February 1, 1849 A.D.
[ Back To Reference] |
| 4. |
See Glossary.
[ Back To Reference] |
| 5. |
“Although seriously wounded, the Bábí chief continued, nevertheless, to give orders and to lead and stimulate his men until, seeing that little more could be gained, he gave the signal to retreat, remaining himself with the rear guard.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” p. 174.)
[ Back To Reference] |
| 6. |
“His [Mullá Husayn’s] mortal remains still repose in the little inner room of the shrine of Shaykh Tabarsí where, at the direction of Mullá Muhammad-‘Alí Barfurúshí, they were reverently laid by the hands of his sorrowing comrades in the beginning of the year A.D. 1849.” (“A Traveller’s Narrative,” Note F, p. 245.)
[ Back To Reference] |
| 7. |
October 10, 1848 A.D.
[ Back To Reference] |
| 8. |
February 2, 1849 A.D.
[ Back To Reference] |
| 9. |
October 10, 1848 A.D.
[ Back To Reference] |
| 10. |
December 1, 1848 A.D.
[ Back To Reference] |
| 11. |
December 21, 1848 A.D.
[ Back To Reference] |
| 12. |
“Among them was Mullá Husayn, who was made the recipient of the effulgent glory of the Sun of Revelation. But for him, God would not have been established upon the seat of His mercy, nor ascended the throne of eternal glory.” (The “Kitáb-i-Íqán,” p. 188.) See note 5, p. 23. “Frail of form, but a gallant soldier and an impassioned lover of God he combined qualities and characteristics which even in the spiritual aristocracy of Persia are seldom found united in the same person.” (Dr. T. K. Cheyne’s “The Reconciliation of Races and Religions,” p. 83.) “At last,” writes Gobineau, “he passed away. The new religion, which found in him its first martyr, lost, in the same stroke, a man whose moral strength and ability would have been of great value to it, had he lived longer. The Muhammadans naturally feel a hatred for the memory of this leader, which is as deep as the love and veneration shown for him by the Bábís. They can both justify their opposing sentiments. What is certain is that Mullá Husayn-i-Bushrú’í was the first to give to Bábism, in the Persian empire, the status which a religious or political body acquires in the eyes of the people only after it has demonstrated its warlike strength.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” p. 176.) “The late Hájí Mírzá Jání writes: ‘I myself met him [Mírzá Muhammad-Hasan, the younger brother of Mullá Husayn] when he was bringing his mother and sister from Karbilá to Qazvín and from Qazvín to Tihrán. His sister was the wife of Shaykh Abú-Turáb of Qazvín, who was a scholar and philosopher such at is rarely met with and believed with the utmost sincerity and purity of purpose, while such was his love and devotion to the Báb that if anyone did so much as mention the name of His Supreme Holiness (the souls of all beside him be His sacrifice) he could not restrain his tears. Often have I seen him, when engaged in the perusal of the writings of His Supreme Holiness, become almost beside himself with rapture, and nearly faint with joy. Of his wife he used to say: “I married her three years ago in Karbilá. She was then but an indifferent scholar even in Persian, but now she can expound texts from the Qur’án and explain the most difficult questions and most subtle points of the doctrine of the Divine Unity in such wise that I have never seen a man who was her equal in this, or in readiness of apprehension. These gifts she has obtained by the blessing of His Holiness the Supreme and through converse with her holiness the Pure (Qurratu’l-‘Ayn). I have seen in her a patience and resignation rare even in the most self-denying men, for during these three years, though I have not sent her a single dinar for her expenses and she has supported herself only with the greatest difficulty, she has never uttered a word; and now that she has come to Tihrán, she refrains altogether from speaking of the past, and though, in accordance with the wishes of Jináb-i-Babu’l-Báb, she now desires to proceed to Khurásán, and has literally nothing to put on save one well-worn dress which she wears, she never asks for clothes or travelling-money, but ever seeks reasonable excuses wherewith to set me at my ease and prevent me from feeling ashamed. Her purity, chastity, and virtue are boundless, and during all this while no unprivileged person hath so much as heard her voice.” But the virtues of the daughter were surpassed by those of the mother, who possessed rare attainments and accomplishments, and had composed many poems and eloquent elegies on the afflictions of her sons. Although Jináb-i-Babu’l-Báb had warned her of his approaching martyrdom and foretold to her all the impending calamities, she still continued to exhibit the same eager devotion and cheerful resignation, rejoicing that God had accepted the sacrifice of her sons, and even praying that they might attain to this great dignity and not be deprived of so great blessedness. It is indeed wonderful to meditate on this virtuous and saintly family, the sons so conspicuous for their single-minded devotion and self-sacrifice, the mother and daughter so patient and resigned. When I, Mírzá Jání, met Mírzá Muhammad-Hasan, he was but seventeen years of age, yet I observed in him a dignity, gravity, composure, and virtue which amazed me. After the death of Jináb-i-Babu’l-Báb, Hadrat-i-Quddús bestowed on him the sword and turban of that glorious martyr, and made him captain of the troops of the True King. As to his martyrdom, there is a difference of opinion as to whether he was slain at the breakfast-table in the camp, or suffered martyrdom with Jináb-i-Quddús in the square of Barfurúsh.’” (The “Taríkh-i-Jadíd,” pp. 93–5.) The sister of Mullá Husayn was surnamed “Varaqatu’l-Firdaws” and was intimately associated, while in Karbilá, with Táhirih. (“Memorials of the Faithful,” p. 270.)
[ Back To Reference] |
| 13. |
See Glossary.
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| 14. |
“This time the terror knew no bounds; throughout the province the people, deeply aroused by the repeated defeats of Islám, were beginning to lean toward the new religion. The military leaders felt their authority tottering, the religious chiefs saw their power over souls waning; the situation was extremely critical and the least incident might place the province completely under the influence of the Reformer.” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad dit le Báb,” p. 315.) “But when the Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’ was informed of this, he (fearing lest the Bábís should enter Barfurúsh and mete out to him the punishment which he deserved) was overcome with trouble and consternation, and wrote several successive letters to Abbás-Qulí Khán, saying: ‘I congratulate you on your courage and discretion, but how much to be deplored it is that after you have been at such pains, lost so many of your kinsmen, and gained at length so signal a victory, you did not follow it up. You have made a great multitude food for the sword, and have returned, leaving only a few decrepit old men as survivors. Alas, that, after all your efforts and perseverance, the prince is now prepared to march against the castle and take captive these few poor wretches, so that after all he will get the credit of this signal victory, and will appropriate to himself all the money and property of the vanquished! You must make it your first and most important business to return to the castle ere he has set out, for the government of a province like Mázindarán is not a thing to be trifled with. Strive, then, to gain the entire credit of this victory, and let your exertions accomplish what your zeal has begun.’ He also wrote at great length to the clergy of Ámul urgently exhorting them to use their best endeavours to make the Sartip Abbás-Qulí Khán start at once without further delay. So they continued too remind him incessantly that it was his duty to march with all speed against the castle; and the Sartip, though he knew that what the Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’ had written to him was utterly false and baseless, was eager, if it should be possible, to make some amends for what had passed, and so to clear himself in some measure of the disgrace which he had incurred in the eyes of the Laríjání women whose husbands he had sacrificed, and of the government. But inwardly he was consumed with anxiety, fearing that, as in the previous campaign, he might fail to accomplish anything. Most of his men, too, were wounded, while many had fled and concealed themselves in the surrounding villages distant four or five farsangs from the city. So, as a makeshift, he wrote to the clergy of Ámul, saying: ‘If indeed this be a religious war, you, who are such zealous champions of the Faith, and to whom men look for example, should take the lead, and make the first move, so that others may follow you.’ The clergy, not being prepared with a suitable answer, and seeing no way of excusing themselves, were obliged to send a message to the effect that the war was a religious war. A great company of tradesmen, common people, and roughs was assembled, and these, with the clergy and students, set out, ostensibly for the accomplishment of a religious duty, but really bent on plunder and rapine. Most of these went to Barfurúsh and there joined the advance of Prince Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, who, on reaching a village distant one farsang from the castle, sent a body of his men to reconnoitre and collect information about the movements of the Bábí garrison.” (The “Taríkh-i-Jadíd,” pp. 72–3.)
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| 15. |
“The reverend divines, who with their pupils, had come to take part in the holy war, were scarce able to sleep at night for fear (though their quarters were in a place distant two farsangs from the castle), and continually in their conversation would they roundly abuse the prince and Abbás-Qulí Khán and curse the Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’; ‘for,’ said they, ‘these have, without sufficient reason, taken us away from our studies, our discussions, and the earning of our livelihood, besides bringing us into dire peril; since to fight with men like these, who have renounced the world and carry their lives in their hands, is to incur great risk.’ So the holy verse, ‘Cast not yourselves into peril with your own hands,’ became their daily utterance. One said: ‘Certain circumstances exonerate me from the duty of taking part in this war at present.’ Another (adducing thirty different pretexts) said: I am lawfully excused and am compelled to turn back.’ A third said: ‘I have little children dependant on me; what can I do?’ A fourth said: ‘I have made no provision for my wife, so I must go, but, should it be necessary, I will return again.’ A fifth said: ‘My accounts with certain persons are not yet settled; should I fall a martyr my wealth will be wasted and an injustice will be done to my wife and children; and both waste and injustice are condemned as repugnant to our holy religion and displeasing to God.’ A sixth said: ‘I owe money to certain persons and have none to acquit me of my debt. Should I fall my debt will not allow me to cross the Bridge of Sirát.’ A seventh said: ‘I came away without the knowledge of my mother, and she had said to me: “Shouldst thou go I will make the milk wherewith I nourished thee unlawful to thee.” I fear, therefore, that I may be cast off aa undutiful by my mother.’ An eighth wept, saying: ‘I have made a vow to visit Karbilá this year; one circumambulation of the holy sepulchre of the Chief of Martyrs is equivalent in merit to a hundred thousand martyrdoms or a thousand pilgrimages to Mecca. I fear to fail in the fulfilment of my vow and to be disappointed of this great blessing.’ Others said: ‘We for our part, have neither seen in these people, nor heard of them aught that showeth them to be unbelievers, for they also say: “There is no god but God, Muhammad is the Apostle of God and ‘Alí is the Friend of God.” At most, they maintain that the advent of the Imám Mihdí has taken place. Let them be; for at all events they are no worse than the sunnís who reject the twelve Imáms and the fourteen immaculate saints recognise such an one as Umar as caliph, prefer Uthmán to ‘Alí-ibn-i-Ábí-Tálib, and accept Abú-Bakr as the successor of our holy Prophet. Why should our divines leave those alone and fight with these about matter whereof the rights and wrongs have not been properly determined?’ In short throughout the camp, murmurs arose from every tongue, and complaints from every mouth; each one sang a different tune and devised a different pretext; and all awaited but some plausible excuse to betake themselves to flight. So when Abbás-Qulí Khán perceived this to be the case, he, fearing lest the contagion of their terror might spread to his soldiers, was forced to accept the excuses of these reverend divines and their disciples and followers, who forthwith departed, rejoicing greatly, and uttering prayers for the Sartip’s success.” (The “Taríkh-i-Jadíd,” pp. 74–6.)
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| 16. |
“Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá was somewhat surprised. He felt deeply disappointed, but what impressed him even more was that the Sardár could be considered as having been defeated as well as he, and this thought, flattering to his self-love, brought him no little pleasure. Not only did he no longer fear that one of his lieutenants might have won an enviable glory in taking the fortress of the Bábís; but it was not he himself alone who had failed; he had a companion in misfortune and a companion whom he would succeed in proving responsible for the two defeats. Overjoyed he called together his chiefs great and small and apprised them of the news, deploring of course the tragic fate of the Sardár and expressing the ardent hope that this valiant soldier might be more fortunate in the future.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” p. 179.)
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| 17. |
1849 A.D.
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| 18. |
“The Prince assigned to each one his post during the siege; he entrusted Hájí Khán Núrí and Mírzá ‘Abdu’lláh Navayy with the responsibility of securing adequate supplies. As military leaders, he selected the Sardár Abbás-Qulí-i-Laríjání, towards whom, since his recent failure, he was showing more sympathy; then Nasru’lláh Khán-i-Bandibí, another chieftain, and Mustafá Khán from Ashraf to whom he gave the command of the brave tufang-chis of that city and also the command of the suritis. Other lesser lords led the men of Dudankih and Bálá-Rastaq as well as several Turkish and Kurdish nomads who were not included in the bands of the great chiefs. These nomads were entrusted with the special duty of watching every move of the enemy. Past experience had convinced them that they should be more vigilant in the future. Turks and Kurds were given therefore the responsibility of following, night and day, the operations of the enemy and to be ever on the alert in order to prevent possible surprises.” (Ibid., p. 181.)
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| 19. |
“Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, however, wished to combine recent strategy with old military technique and ordered to be brought from Tihrán two cannon and two mortars with the necessary ammunition. He also enlisted the assistance of a man from Hirát who had discovered an explosive substance which could project flames to a distance of seven hundred meters and set fire to anything combustible within that radius. A trial test was made and it proved satisfactory; the burning material was shot out into the fort, a conflagration started immediately and all the dwellings or shelters whether of wood, of reeds or of straw, which the Bábís had erected, either within the enclosure or upon the walls, were reduced to ashes. “While this destruction went on, the bombs and bullets shot from the mortars seriously damaged a building hastily erected by men who were neither architects nor engineers and had never anticipated an artillery attack. In a very short time, the outer defences of the fortress were dismantled; nothing was left of them but fallen girders, smoked and burning timbers, scattered stones.” (Ibid., pp. 181–182.)
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| 20. |
“After taking these precautions, they dug holes and trenches for the use of the tufang-chis who were ordered to shoot down any Bábís who might appear. They built large towers as high as the various levels of the fortress or even higher and, through a continuous plunging fire, they rendered the circulation of the Bábís within their fort extremely dangerous. It was a decided advantage for the besiegers, but, in a few days, the Bábí chiefs, taking advantage of the long nights, raised their fortifications so that their height exceeded that of the attacking towers of the enemy.” (Ibid., p. 181.)
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| 21. |
The ninth day after Naw-Rúz.
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| 22. |
“Once indeed, some few of them did go out to try to obtain a little tea and sugar for Jináb-i-Quddús. The most notable of these was Mullá Sa’íd of Zarkanád. Now he was a man so accomplished in science that when certain learned men of the kindred of Mullá Muhammad-Taqí of Núr addressed to Jináb-i-Quddús in writing certain questions touching the science of divination and astrology, the latter said to Mullá Sa’íd: ‘Do you speedily write for them a brief and compendious reply that their messenger be not kept waiting and a more detailed answer shall be written subsequently.’ So Mullá Sa’íd though hurried by the presence of the messenger and distracted by the turmoil of the siege rapidly penned a most eloquent address wherein while replying to the questions asked he introduced nearly a hundred well-authenticated traditions bearing on the truth of the new Manifestation of the promised Proof besides several which foreshadowed the halting of those who had believed in the Lord about Tabarsí and their martyrdom The learned men of Núr were amazed beyond all measure at his erudition and said: ‘Candour compels us to admit that such a presentation of these matters is a great miracle, and that such erudition and eloquence are far beyond the Mullá Sa’íd whom we knew. Assuredly this talent hath been bestowed on him from on high and he in turn hath made it manifest to us.’ Now Mullá Sa’íd and his companions, while they were without the castle fell into the hands of the royal troops and were by them carried before the prince. The prince strove by every means to extract from them some information about the state of the Bábí garrison their numbers and the amount of their munitions; but do what he would, he could gain nothing. So when he perceived Mullá Sa’íd to be a man of talent and understanding he said to him: ‘Repent, and I will release you and not suffer you to be slain.’ To this Mullá Sa’íd replied ‘Never did anyone repent of obedience to God’s command; why then should I? Rather do you repent who are acting contrary to His good pleasure, and more evilly than anyone hath heretofore done.’ And he spoke much more after the same fashion. So at length they sent him to Sarí in chains and fetters and there slew him under circumstances of the utmost cruelty along with his companions, who appear to have been five in number.” (The “Taríkh-i-Jadíd,” pp. 79–80.)
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| 23. |
See Glossary.
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| 24. |
“Thus the latter constructed four towers on the four sides of the castle, and raised them so high that they were able to command the interior of the fortress with their guns, and to make the garrison targets for their bullets. Then the faithful, seeing this, began to dig subterranean passages and to retreat thither. But the ground of Mázindarán lies near the water and is saturated with moisture, added to which rain fell continually, increasing the damage, so that these poor sufferers dwelt amidst mud and water till their garments rotted away with damp…. Whenever one of their comrades quaffed the draught of martyrdom before their eyes, instead of grieving they rejoiced. Thus, for instance, on one occasion bomb-shell fell on the roof of a hut, which caught fire. Shaykh Sálih of Shíráz went to extinguish the fire. A bullet struck his head and shattered his skull. Even as they were raising his corpse a second bullet carried away the hand of Áqá Mírzá Muhammad ‘Alí, the son of Siyyid Ahmad who was the father of Áqá Siyyid Husayn, ‘the beloved.’ So too, was Áqá Siyyid Husayn ‘the beloved,’ a child ten years of age slain before his father’s eyes and he fell rolling in mud and gore, with limbs quivering like those of a half-killed bird.” (The “Taríkh-i-Jadíd,” pp. 81–3.)
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| 25. |
“This state of affairs had lasted four months. The Sháh began to grow impatient. The success of the Bábís aroused his anger which according to the Persian historian he expressed thus: ‘We thought that our army would go without hesitation through fire and water, that, fearless, it would fight a lion or a whale, but we have sent it to fight a handful of weak and defenseless men and it has achieved nothing! Do the notables of Mázindarán think that we approve of this delay? Is it their policy to allow this conflagration to spread in order to magnify their importance in case they later put an end to it? Very well, let them know that I shall act as though Alláh had never created Mázindarán and I shall exterminate its inhabitants to the last man!” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad dit le Báb,” p. 322.)
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| 26. |
“The siege had been going on for four months and had made no visible progress. The old fortifications had been destroyed but, with indomitable energy, the Bábís had built new ones and, night and day, they restored and enlarged them. It was impossible to foresee the outcome of this situation, the more so because, as I have already said, Mázindarán was not the only region in Persia where the devotees of the new Faith were giving evidence of their zeal and their daring. The King and the prime minister, in their anxiety, burst forth into abuse against their lieutenants. Not only did they charge them with incompetence, in the most bitter terms, but they threatened to extend to them the same treatment planned for the Bábís, if a final settlement were not reached without delay. Thereupon, the command was taken from Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá and given to the Afshar Sulaymán Khán, a man of acknowledged firmness and of great influence, not only in his own tribe, one of the noblest in Persia, but throughout the military circles who knew him and held him in high esteem. He was given the most rigorous orders.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” pp. 183–184.) …”Those who remained firm had already consumed not only all their food supply, but such grass as they could find in the enclosure and the bark of all the trees. There remained only the leather of their belts and the scabbards of their swords. They had to resort to the expedient recommended by the Spanish ambassador to the soldiers of the league besieged in Paris; they ground the bones of the dead and made flour with the dust thereof. At last, desperate, they were reduced to perpetrate a sort of profanation. The horse of Mullá Husayn had died of the wounds suffered during that fatal night which witnessed the death of its master. The Bábís had buried it out of regard for their holy leader and a little of the deep veneration which all felt for him hovered over the grave of the poor animal. They held council and, deploring the necessity for such a discussion, they debated the question whether extreme distress could justify them to disinter the sacred charger and eat the remains. With deep sorrow, they agreed that the deed was justifiable. They cooked the remains of the horse with the flour made from the bones of the dead, they ate this strange mixture and took up their guns once more!” (Ibid., pp 186–187.)
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| 27. |
‘Abdu’l-Bahá refers, in the “Memorials of the Faithful” (pp. 16–17) to the hardships and sufferings endured by the heroic defenders of the fort of Shaykh Tabarsí He pays a glowing tribute to the constancy, the zeal and courage of the besieged, mentioning in particular Mullá Sádiq-i-Muqaddas. “For eighteen days,” He says, “they remained without food. They lived on the leather of their shoes. This too was soon consumed, and they had nothing left but water. They drank a mouthful every morning and lay famished and exhausted in their fort. When attacked, however, they would instantly spring to their feet, and manifest in the face of the enemy a magnificent courage and astonishing resistance…. Under such circumstances to maintain an unwavering faith and patience is extremely difficult, and to endure such dire afflictions a rare phenomenon.”
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| 28. |
April 24-May 23, 1849 A.D.
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| 29. |
See Glossary.
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| 30. |
Reference to God, the word Rahmán meaning “merciful.”
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| 31. |
May 9, 1849 A.D.
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| 32. |
“This stark and desperate bravery, this unquenchable enthusiasm gave grave concern to the leaders of the imperial army. Despairing to break through the fortification after repeated defeats, they thought of resorting to shrewdness. The Prince was naturally shrewd and Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshar, recently sent by the Sháh, was urging such a method, fearful that longer delays might endanger his prestige and his life.” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad dit le Báb,” p. 325.)
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| 33. |
Qur’án, 7:88.
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| 34. |
See Glossary.
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| 35. |
“All the fortifications constructed by the Bábís were razed to the ground and even the ground was leveled to remove any evidences of the heroic defense of those who had died for their Faith. They imagined that this would silence history.” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad dit le Báb,” p. 327.)
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| 36. |
“They formed them in a line and made sport of cutting open their stomachs. This amused them the more because, from the perforated intestines, issued grass still undigested, striking evidence of the sufferings they had endured and also of the faith that had sustained them. Some, very few, succeeded in escaping into the forest.” (Ibid.)
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| 37. |
Hájí ‘Abdu’l-Majíd-i-Nishabúrí, who was eventually martyred in Khurásán.
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| 38. |
“It was then, says Mírzá Jání, that Islám gave a shameful exhibition to the world. The victors, if they can be so called, wished to enjoy the intoxication of their triumph. They bound in chains Quddús, Mírzá Muhammad-Hasan Khán, brother of the Bábu’l-Báb, Akhund Mullá Muhammad-Sádiq-i-Khurásání, Mírzá Muhammad Sádiq-i-Khurásání, Hájí Mírzá Hasan Khurásání, Shaykh Ni’matu’lláh-i-Amulí, Hájí Násiri’d-Qazvíní, Mullá Yúsúf-i-Ardibílí, Áqá Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Aim-i-Khú’í and several others. These they placed at the center of the parade which started out at the sound of the trumpets, and, every time they went through an inhabited section, they struck them.” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad dit le Báb,” pp. 327–328.) “The cruelty went further still. If a few escaped death, having been sold into slavery, others were tortured until they died. Those who found kindly masters were Akhund Mullá Muhammad-Sádiq-i-Khurásání, Mullá Muhammad-i-Mahvalatiy-i-Dugh-Abádí, Áqá Siyyid ‘Azím-i-Khú’í, Hájí Násiri’d-Qazvíní, Hájí ‘Abdu’l-Majíd-i-Nishabúrí and Mírzá Husayn-i-Matavalliy-i-Qumí. Four Bábís suffered martyrdom at Barfurúsh, two were sent to Ámul; one of these was Mullá Ni’matu’lláh-i-Amulí, the other Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir-i-Khurásániy-i-Qa’iní, cousin of our Bábí author. “Qá’iní lived previously at Mashhad, on the avenue called Khiyaban-Bala, and his house, which had been named ‘Bábíyyih,’ was the rendezvous of the secretaries as well as the home for the co-religionists journeying through. It is there that Quddús and the Bábu’l-Báb sojourned on their way to Khurásán. Besides his religious knowledge, Qá’iní was very skillful with his hands and it was he who designed the fortifications of Shaykh-Tabarsí.” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad dit le Báb,” p. 329.)
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| 39. |
“As to the other prisoners they were made to lie down on the ground and the executioners cut open their stomachs. It was noticed that several of these unfortunates had raw grass in their intestines. This massacre completed, they found that there was still more to be done and they assassinated the fugitives who had already been pardoned. There were women and children and even fifty were not spared and their throats were cut. It was indeed a full day with much killing and no risk!” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” p. 189.) “On his arrival at Ámul, Mullá Ni’matu’lláh was tortured with ruthless ferocity. Apparently, this scene threw Qá’iní into a fit of rage. In any case, when the executioner approached, Qá’iní, breaking his bonds, jumped upon him, snatched his sword and struck him with such violence that his head rolled about fifteen feet away. The crowd rushed upon him but, terrible in his strength, he mowed down all those who came within his reach and they had finally to shoot him with a rifle in order to subdue him. After his death, they found in his pocket a piece of roasted horse flesh proof of the misery that he had endured for his faith !” (Ibid., pp. 329–330.)
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| 40. |
“The whole world marvelled at the manner of their sacrifice…. The mind is bewildered at their deeds and the soul marvelleth at their fortitude and bodily endurance…. These holy lights have for eighteen years, heroically endured the showers of afflictions which, from every side have rained upon them With what love, what devotion, what exultation and holy rapture they sacrificed their lives in the path of the All-Glorious! To the truth of this all witness. And yet how can they belittle this Revelation? Hath any age witnessed such momentous happenings? If these companions be not the true strivers after God, who else could be called by this name? Have these companions been seekers after power or glory? Have they ever yearned for riches? Have they cherished any desire except the good pleasure of God? If these companions with all their marvellous testimonies and wondrous works be false who then is worthy to claim for himself the truth? By God! their very deeds are a sufficient testimony, and an irrefutable proof unto all the peoples of the earth, were men to ponder in their hearts the mysteries of Divine Revelation. ‘And they who act unjustly shall soon know what a lot awaiteth them!’” (The “Kitáb-i-Íqán,” pp. 189–91.)
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| 41. |
1847–8 A.D.
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| 42. |
May 11, 1849 A.D.
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| 43. |
“The Bábís call attention to the fact that shortly afterwards a strange disease afflicted Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’. In spite of the furs which he wore, in spite of the fire which burned constantly in his room, he shivered with cold yet, at the same time, his fever was so high, that nothing could quench his intolerable thirst. He died, and his house, which was very beautiful, was abandoned and finally crumbled into ruins. Little by little, the practice grew of dumping refuse on the site where it had once so proudly stood. This so impressed the Mázindaránis that when they quarrel among themselves, the final insult frequently is, ‘May thy house meet the same fate as the house of Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’!’” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad dit le Báb,” p. 330.)
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| 44. |
“At all events it appears that after the martyrdom of Jináb-i-Quddús a pious divine Hájí Muhammad-‘Alíy-i-Hamzih by name, whose skill in exegesis and spiritual gifts was recognised by all, secretly sent several persons to bury the mutilated remains in the ruined college already mentioned. And he, far from approving the Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’’s conduct, used to curse and revile him, and never himself pronounced sentence of death against any Bábí, but, on the contrary used to obtain decent burial for those slain by the Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’. And when men questioned him concerning the garrison of the castle, he would reply: ‘I do not condemn them or speak evil of them.’ For this reason half of Barfurúsh remained neutral, for at first he used to forbid men to traduce or molest the Bábís, though later when the trouble waxed great, he deemed it prudent to be silent and shut himself up in his house. Now his austerity of life, piety, learning, and virtue were as well known to the people of Mázindarán as were the irreligion immorality and worldliness of the Sa’ídu’l-‘Ulamá’.” (The “Taríkh-i-Jadíd,” p. 92.)
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| 45. |
“He who knew Quddús and who made the pilgrimage with him is the one upon whom ‘eight unities’ have passed and God honored him among His angels in the heavens, because of the way in which he had withdrawn himself from all and because he was without blame in the sight of God.” (“Le Bayán Persan,” vol. 2, p. 164.) “Yet more wonderful than the events above described is the account of them given by Abbás-Qulí Khán, with many expressions of admiration to Prince Ahmad Mírzá. The late Hájí Mírzá Jání writes: ‘About two years after the disaster of Shaykh Tabarsí, I heard one, who, though not a believer, was honest, truthful, and worthy of credit, relate as follows: “We were sitting together when some allusion was made to the war waged by some of those present against Hadrat-i-Quddús and Jináb-i-Babu’l-Báb. Prince Ahmad Mírzá and Abbás-Qulí Khán were amongst the company. The prince questioned Abbás-Qulí Khán about the matter, and he replied thus: ‘The truth of the matter is that anyone who had not seen Karbilá would, if he had seen Tabarsí, not only have comprehended what there took place, but would have ceased to consider it and had he seen Mullá Husayn of Bushrúyih he would have been convinced that the Chief of Martyrs had returned to earth; and had he witnessed my deeds he would assuredly have said: “This is Shimr come back with sword and Lance.” I swear by the sacred plume of His Majesty the Centre of the Universe that one day Mullá Husayn, having on his head a green turban, and over his shoulder a shroud, came forth from the castle, stood forth in the open field, and, leaning on a lance which he held in his hand said: “O people, why, without enquiry and under the influence of passion and prejudiced misrepresentation, do ye act so cruelly towards us, and strive without cause to shed innocent blood? Be ashamed before the Creator of the universe, and at last give us passage, that we may depart out of this land.” Seeing that the soldiers were moved, I opened fire and ordered the troops to shout so as to drown his voice. Again I saw him lean on his lance and heard him cry: “Is there any who will help me?” three times so that all heard his cry. At that moment all the soldiers were silent and some began to weep, and many of the horsemen were visibly affected. Fearing that the army might be seduced from their allegiance, I again ordered them to fire and shout. Then I saw Mullá Husayn unsheathe his sword raise his face towards heaven, and heard him exclaim: “O God I have completed the proof to this host, but it availeth not.’ Then he began to attack us on the right and on the left. I swear by God that on that day he wielded the sword in such wise as transcends the power of man. Only the horsemen of Mázindarán held their ground and refused to flee. And when Mullá Husayn was well warmed to the fray, he overtook a fugitive soldier. The soldier sheltered himself behind a tree, and further strove to shield himself with his musket. Mullá Husayn dealt him such blow with his sword that he clave him and the tree and the musket into six pieces. And, during that war not once was his sword-stroke at fault, but every blow that he struck fell true. And by the nature of their wounds I could recognise all whom Mullá Husayn had cut down with his sword, and since I had heard and knew that none could rightly wield the sword save the Chief of Believers, and that it was well-nigh impossible for sword to cut so true, therefore I forbade all who were aware of this thing to mention it or make it known, lest the troops should be discouraged and should wax faint in the fight. But in truth I know not what had been shown to these people, or what they had seen, that they came forth to battle with such alacrity and joy, and engaged so eagerly and gladly in the strife, without displaying in their countenance any trace of fear or apprehension. One would imagine that in their eyes the keen sword and blood-spilling dagger were but means to the attainment of everlasting life, so eagerly did their necks and bosoms welcome them as they circled like salamanders round the fiery hail of bullets. And the astonishing thing was that all these men were scholars and men of learning, sedentary recluses of the college and the cloister, delicately nurtured and of weakly frame, inured indeed to austerities, but strangers to the roar of cannon, the rattle of musketry, and the field of battle. During the last three months of the siege, moreover, they were absolutely without bread and water, and were reduced to the extreme of weakness through lack of even such pittance of food as is sufficient to sustain life. Notwithstanding this, it seemed as if in time of battle a new spirit were breathed into their frames, insomuch that the imagination of man cannot conceive the vehemence of their courage and valour. They used to expose their bodies to the bullets and cannon-balls not only fearlessly and courageously, but eagerly and joyously, seeming to regard the battle-field as a banquet, and to be bent on casting away their lives.’”’” (The “Taríkh-i-Jadíd,” pp. 106–9.)
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| 46. |
1844 A.D.
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| 47. |
November-December 1888 A.D.
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| 48. |
Literally “The Last Name of God.”
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| 49. |
May 16 1849 A.D.
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| 50. |
Qur’án, 3:93.
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| 51. |
Literally “The Last Point.”
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| 52. |
Refer to note 2, p. 413.
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| 53. |
Refer to note 1, p. 383.
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| 54. |
November 27, 1848 A.D.
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| 55. |
Qur’án, 9:94.
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| 56. |
See Glossary.
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