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78: STRIKES 273 |
You have questioned me about strikes. This question is
and will be for a long time the subject of great difficulties.
Strikes are due to two causes. One is the extreme greed
and rapacity of the manufacturers and industrialists; the
other, the excesses, the avidity and intransigence of the
workmen and artisans. It is, therefore, necessary to remedy
these two causes.
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But the principal cause of these difficulties lies in the
laws of the present civilization; for they lead to a small
number of individuals accumulating incomparable fortunes,
beyond their needs, while the greater number remain
destitute, stripped and in the greatest misery. This is
contrary to justice, to humanity, to equity; it is the height
of iniquity, the opposite to what causes divine satisfaction.
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This contrast is peculiar to the world of man: with other
creatures—that is to say, with nearly all animals—there is
a kind of justice and equality. Thus equality exists in a
shepherd’s flock and in a herd of deer in the country.
Likewise, among the birds of the prairie, of the plain, of
the hills or of the orchard, and among every kind of animal
some kind of equality prevails. With them such a difference
in the means of existence is not to be found; so they
live in the most complete peace and joy.
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It is quite otherwise with the human species, which
persists in the greatest error, and in absolute iniquity.
Consider an individual who has amassed treasures by colonizing
a country for his profit: he has obtained an incomparable
fortune and has secured profits and incomes which
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flow like a river, while a hundred thousand unfortunate
people, weak and powerless, are in need of a mouthful of
bread. There is neither equality nor benevolence. So you
see that general peace and joy are destroyed, and the welfare
of humanity is negated to such an extent as to make
fruitless the lives of many. For fortune, honors, commerce,
industry are in the hands of some industrialists,
while other people are submitted to quite a series of
difficulties and to limitless troubles: they have neither advantages,
nor profits, nor comforts, nor peace.
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Then rules and laws should be established to regulate
the excessive fortunes of certain private individuals and
meet the needs of millions of the poor masses; thus a certain
moderation would be obtained. However, absolute
equality is just as impossible, for absolute equality in fortunes,
honors, commerce, agriculture, industry would
end in disorderliness, in chaos, in disorganization of the
means of existence, and in universal disappointment: the
order of the community would be quite destroyed. Thus
difficulties will also arise when unjustified equality is imposed.
It is, therefore, preferable for moderation to be established
by means of laws and regulations to hinder the
constitution of the excessive fortunes of certain individuals,
and to protect the essential needs of the masses. For
instance, the manufacturers and the industrialists heap up
a treasure each day, and the poor artisans do not gain their
daily sustenance: that is the height of iniquity, and no just
man can accept it. Therefore, laws and regulations should
be established which would permit the workmen to receive
from the factory owner their wages and a share in the
fourth or the fifth part of the profits, according to the
capacity of the factory; or in some other way the body of
workmen and the manufacturers should share equitably
the profits and advantages. Indeed, the capital and management
come from the owner of the factory, and the work
and labor, from the body of the workmen. Either the
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workmen should receive wages which assure them an
adequate support and, when they cease work, becoming
feeble or helpless, they should have sufficient benefits
from the income of the industry; or the wages should be
high enough to satisfy the workmen with the amount they
receive so that they may themselves be able to put a little
aside for days of want and helplessness.
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When matters will be thus fixed, the owner of the factory
will no longer put aside daily a treasure which he has
absolutely no need of (for, if the fortune is disproportionate,
the capitalist succumbs under a formidable burden
and gets into the greatest difficulties and troubles; the administration
of an excessive fortune is very difficult and
exhausts man’s natural strength). And the workmen and
artisans will no longer be in the greatest misery and want;
they will no longer be submitted to the worst privations at
the end of their life.
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It is, then, clear and evident that the repartition of excessive
fortunes among a small number of individuals,
while the masses are in need, is an iniquity and an injustice.
In the same way, absolute equality would be an obstacle
to life, to welfare, to order and to the peace of humanity.
In such a question moderation is preferable. It lies
in the capitalists’ being moderate in the acquisition of their
profits, and in their having a consideration for the welfare
of the poor and needy—that is to say, that the workmen
and artisans receive a fixed and established daily wage—and have a share in the general profits of the factory.
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It would be well, with regard to the common rights of
manufacturers, workmen and artisans, that laws be established,
giving moderate profits to manufacturers, and to
workmen the necessary means of existence and security
for the future. Thus when they become feeble and cease
working, get old and helpless, or leave behind children
under age, they and their children will not be annihilated
by excess of poverty. And it is from the income of the factory
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itself, to which they have a right, that they will derive
a share, however small, toward their livelihood.
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In the same way, the workmen should no longer make
excessive claims and revolt, nor demand beyond their
rights; they should no longer go out on strike; they should
be obedient and submissive and not ask for exorbitant
wages. But the mutual and reasonable rights of both associated
parties will be legally fixed and established according
to custom by just and impartial laws. In case one of the
two parties should transgress, the court of justice should
condemn the transgressor, and the executive branch
should enforce the verdict; thus order will be reestablished,
and the difficulties, settled. The interference of
courts of justice and of the government in difficulties
pending between manufacturers and workmen is legal, for
the reason that current affairs between workmen and
manufacturers cannot be compared with ordinary affairs
between private persons, which do not concern the public,
and with which the government should not occupy itself.
In reality, although they appear to be private matters,
these difficulties between the two parties produce a detriment
to the public; for commerce, industry, agriculture
and the general affairs of the country are all intimately
linked together. If one of these suffers an abuse, the detriment
affects the mass. Thus the difficulties between
workmen and manufacturers become a cause of general
detriment.
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The court of justice and the government have, therefore,
the right of interference. When a difficulty occurs
between two individuals with reference to private rights,
it is necessary for a third to settle the question. This is the
part of the government. Then the problem of strikes—which cause troubles in the country and are often connected
with the excessive vexations of the workmen, as
well as with the rapacity of manufacturers—how could it
remain neglected?
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Good God! Is it possible that, seeing one of his fellow-creatures
starving, destitute of everything, a man can rest
and live comfortably in his luxurious mansion? He who
meets another in the greatest misery, can he enjoy his
fortune? That is why, in the Religion of God, it is
prescribed and established that wealthy men each year
give over a certain part of their fortune for the maintenance
of the poor and unfortunate. That is the foundation
of the Religion of God and is binding upon all.
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